By Tom Ndahiro

On 6 December 2019, the Associated Press (AP) wired a story on Rwanda. The piece was picked up and relayed by various newspapers worldwide. It was about Ingabire Victoire, and her failure to go to Spain to receive the made-up award for being a titleholder of human rights defender. In the AP report, Ingabire was labelled a prominent politician

Indeed Ingabire is notorious for her role in championing a crooked genocide ideology without the slightest tinge of remorse. The AP piece failed to mention her prominence is not in politics but in genocide ideology, as a leader of the Neo-Interahamwe groups or post-genocide genocidaire organisations.

Media houses which espouse Ingabire’s prominence, are no different from those who promote the so-called positive memory of people like Adolf Hitler and Josef Goebbels who cannot be erased from humanity’s collective recollection of their pivotal role in the Holocaust.

Victoire Ingabire is in the mould of another Rwandan female genocidaire, Valerie Bemeriki, who is serving a life sentence at Nyarugenge Prison. Both these women are “famous”, not for any good, but for the worst.

Bemeriki was the only female broadcaster with Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM), the genocidaires’ loudest mouth-piece. She gained fame because of her profuse anti-Tutsi hate-filled broadcasts with intense and unrelenting encouragement to the group of Rwandans she identified with, to murder their perceived enemies—the Tutsi. These open appeals to genocide were also, strangely enough, coupled with pre-emptive efforts at future plausible deniability of their crime.

On 25 June 1994, for instance, Bemeriki made appeals which fit well into genocide deniers’ and ideologues’ common narrative of denying the crime by justifying it, blaming the victims and the force which fought and defeated the genocidaires. It was an appeal meant to hoodwink the French in Operation Turquoise and Radio France Internationale (RFI) reporter Jean Hélène who reported about mass graves he had seen.

Bemeriki had this to say on RTLM: “We have to show that the Inyenzi (RPF) are real criminals…show the French how the Inkotanyi had dug a grave in each Tutsi family in Cyangugu, I mean Tutsi accomplices who were collaborating with the Inyenzi-Inkotanyi. Show how they dug graves in their compounds in which they intended to dispose of Hutu corpses. Jean Hélène should know before leaving; then order him to broadcast your testimony over French radio, and let all these strangers streaming into your prefecture know it. They should not go back without you having told them something about that mass grave. We are also requesting political leaders, all those who are able to, all Rwandans who will meet a Frenchman or any other visitor, to explain, to demonstrate the wickedness of the small group of Inyenzi-Inkotanyi-Tutsi extremists determined to exterminate the Hutu. Don’t forget the Tutsi who are dying because a small group who dragged them into the war whereas they did not have the force and are dying of hunger…”

The voice of Bemeriki on RTLM was crucial in inciting the physical killing of Tutsi, even as she promoted the destruction of the victims’ memory. In this particular transmission, she accepts there are mass graves with Tutsi bodies, but minimises the magnitude of the horror even as she constructs new “real criminals” versus the actual perpetrators. The genocidaires’ strategy included public opinion manipulation through ignorant foreigners, including journalists like Jean Hélène, and others.

This strategy succeeded to a certain extent. Today, Valerie Bemeriki is behind bars for life, but her wicked thoughts are alive and promoted in media and publishing houses, on the internet etc. The adherents to her spiteful discourse, though still a fringe, are numerous. Her speech on how to cover-up the crime, became a template to some journalists who religiously preach it to the uninformed and unsuspecting.

No sooner had the genocidal forces been defeated in 1994, than they set about putting in place their strategy of genocide denial—planned and refined long before 1994, having been given its first testing around preceding anti-Tutsi pogroms in 1959/60, and 1963/64 in particular. The villains had managed this with help from long-time friends and allies to have in place a self-created—unregistered association of academics, journalists, lawyers, clergymen, military officers, etc.

Most of these people generally act individually, but sometimes also collectively to reinforce each other’s messages in order to achieve particular political tenacities of mutual interest—the moral and political rehabilitation of Rwandan genocidaires and their accomplices.

As revealed in earlier parts of this series, deniers and ideologues of genocide against Tutsi state that their primary goal is to institute historical truth favourable to their cause. In so doing, they painstakingly depict planners and perpetrators of genocide in a gentle humane manner to make their villains look like victims of protracted propaganda to tarnish them. These deniers and ideologues openly display extreme animosity against the Tutsi, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and its leader President Paul Kagame.

More often, they churn out their work in pseudo-scientific arrangements or pseudo-professional studies fitted out with academic kit in the form of footnotes and voluminous cross-referential bibliographies mostly quoting each other, to create a false image of authority and objectivity. A close scrutiny of their material, however, quickly reveals a saturation of causticness, exaggerations, hatred and disrespect for the dead—plus outright fabrications.

Apart from a closed loop of self-citation, and mutual cross-referencing to give a false impression of extensive scholarship, genocide deniers and ideologues meet often and promote each other’s ostensible credibility. Central to their strategy is to win support in the world for their false but insidious ideas. As the Rwandan saying goes, truth can’t be burnt.

When fighting these genocide apologists and deniers we have no need for a counter-narrative; all we need is only to show and expose their scheme for what it is, and unmask those behind it, and their bed-fellows. If their approach is to hide the truth in dark corners, the counter-strategy need only be to shine a torch in those corners, revealing the veracity, letting the world they have deceived see for themselves, the kind of people trying to hijack their understanding of recent history.

Genocidaires, Judges and journalists

Even after the most cursory review of Judi Rever’s ‘In Praise of Blood’, one can’t avoid the conclusion genocide ideologue Leon Mugesera could most probably be her mentor and informer; not surprisingly considering the latter lived in Canada from 1993 to 2012. Judi Rever is not the only one enthused by Mugesera’s ideology of mirror accusations. They are many more in the world and the region. Another useful disciple of Leon Mugesera and other genocidaires deserving mention is Spanish Judge Andreu Merelles.

In an earlier mentioned pamphlet by Mugesera and AFAPADEM, namely “The Whole Truth on the October 1990 War Imposed upon Rwanda by the Aggressors from Uganda Armed Forces”, the RPF is accused of planning the “Restoration of the extremist dictatorship of the Tutsi minority, whose basis is genocide, the extermination of the Hutu majority.”

In his indictment of senior RPF officials, Judge Andreu Merelles openly and shamelessly embraces the genocidaire narrative, brought up as established fact, that the RPF is “a large extremist group of Rwandan Tutsis, based in Uganda” whose members are “Rwandan citizens of Tutsi origin, especially the children of those refugees who had fled to Uganda.”

He claims to be convinced the RPF was formed among other things “To eliminate the largest number of persons of the Hutu ethnic group, the ethnic group predominant in their country of origin and to seize power by force.”

While not quoting Mugesera, Judge Merelles in his indictment claims prima facie evidence to prove the RPF had plans “to form a strategic alliance with the Tutsi ethnic group together with other western allies, to terrorise firstly the population of Rwanda and then all the Great Lakes area in order to increase their area of power, control and influence and to invade Zaire, taking and using as their own the rich natural resources of this country.”

This echoes Leon Mugesera who previously blamed the RPF of intending “Establishment in the Bantu zone of the Great Lakes region (Rwanda, Burundi, Zaire, Tanzania and Uganda) of a vast Hima-Tutsi kingdom which considers itself superior, like the Aryan race with Hitler’s swastika as its symbol.”

Without referring to Mugesera in her book, Rever similarly compares the RPF to Nazis. Quoting another notorious genocide ideologue and denier, Joseph Matata who lives in Belgium, she writes that “not even the Nazis did” what the RPF did. (p.87) “The RPF leadership was cognizant of history and appears to have studied the methods of the Third Reich. … Like the mobile units (Einsatzgruppen) of the Third Reich that fanned out across the occupied Soviet Union, the RPF’s death squads ranged from Rwanda’s northern border with Uganda, to the south, along Tanzania,” (p.229).

Similar comparison is pushed by a presumed genocidaire or sympathiser Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana in his ‘Hutus, victims of the verbal indoctrination: Freedom will be won by brave sons and daughters of Rwanda’ published on a pro-genocidaires Catalan Website ‘Inshuti’ on 21 July 2003. This website created expressly to spread Tutsi genocide ideology and denial. In this publication, RPF members are referred to as “Wrongdoers” and have expressions like “RPF Nazis” and “RPF Gestapo.” For Nizeyimana the genocide survivors’ organisation—Ibuka, is a “pro-fascist organisation”.

Mugesera’s genocidal gospel is regurgitated by Judi Rever throughout her book without attribution: “…it was RPF policy to eliminate Hutus.” (p.14) “…There was such hatred for Hutus, the RPF was ready to eliminate anyone.” “The group of rebels who had come to power in the genocide had now established a dictatorship. Rwanda was a single-party state, dangerous to its citizens and the wider region, and financially backed by the West,” (p.153).

Rever continues, “There was such hatred for Hutus, the RPF was ready to eliminate anyone.” Her “witness” reportedly said that while in the northern town of Byumba (…) “civilian cadres were telling us where the civilian population was, who was a Hutu and who was Tutsi. If they were Hutu, they were eliminated,” (p.113).

Like Leon Mugesera, other genocidaires and the likes of Judge Merelles, Judi Rever avows “The RPF had two objectives: seize power and as much as possible eliminate the Hutu population in their territory. That’s what they did. This is not invented. It actually happened,” (p.114).

She summarises her articles of faith regarding an RPF plan to exterminate the Hutu: “We know what the motives were for these ethnic-based killings because former members of the RPF have testified to their aims. One of the principal reasons was to remove Hutus from political and military power, and replace them with Tutsi leaders. Once the core military, political, economic and cultural leadership of the previous regime was gone, they also targeted Hutu teachers, artists, business people, lawyers and judges, so they could govern with little resistance. The RPF also ordered its military to exterminate as many Hutu peasants as possible, cleansing regions especially in the north, because it wanted not only to mould the population map but also to secure property for Tutsi returnees who had been living for decades in Uganda, Congo and Burundi. These Rwandans who grew up in Ugandan refugee camps were mostly impoverished. They were landless and stateless. They were desperate. They had been used and abused by the Ugandan regime. Their frustration and anger had mounted. Their hatred had festered. They had waited for their moment to return…” (p.229)

Regarding the alleged “genocide” against Hutus, Rever quotes a nameless “prominent Tutsi opposition activist who grew up in Uganda” who supposedly says: “This is not about reprisals for the 1994 genocide against Tutsis. What the RPF did to Hutus is revenge for 1959.”

The alleged Tutsi or RPF plan to exterminate Hutu people pushed by Mugesera and Rever had already been published in the virulently Hutu extremist tract Kangura, N^o 18 of July 1991. Political parties were warned that they should know that the “majority people” or the Hutu has only one very wicked enemy who is the RPF. The writer in Kangura claimed: “This Enemy is projecting to exterminate (gutikiza) the majority people…The Inkotanyi and their accomplices have no place in Rwanda…These murderous enemies have killed our soldiers, our parents, our children and our friends. Today they are projecting to exterminate all of us. Who can accept to live with them?”

In a Press release of 25 February 1993 the leader of the ultra-extremist Hutu party Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR) warned the RPF was planning genocide against Hutu throughout Rwanda in their pursuit of a Hima—Tutsi Empire. Speaking to military commanders on 13 March 1993, President Juvenal Habyarimana called for the population to “defend itself.” For the genocidaires, like President habyarimana, “population”, “people” and “Rwandans” means Hutus only.

Kangura N^o 46 which was published in July 1993 repeated similar convictions as Rever now pushes: “so MDR cannot convince us that the Inyenzi who have transformed into Inkotanyi are our brothers whereas they have come to exterminate us with machetes.” This was followed by an editorial in Kangura’s N^o 55 of January 1994 warning the Hutu: “All the Hutus in Rwanda, irrespective of their parties, must stop playing with fire! They should look straight ahead of them. Being numerous is not enough. They must unite in order to cripple the projects of their enemies.”

The project alluded to by Kangura, is what Rever believes was a plan to exterminate the Hutu in general and the elite in particular. “… We know that they attacked us so as to exterminate 4.5 million Hutus particularly the literate ones…”

In the first two days of genocide, RTLM made several announcements that the RPF had killed their own leaders, Col Alexis Kanyarengwe who was the Chairman of the movement, and Pasteur Bizimungu who was the Commissioner of Information and the immediate post-genocide President of Rwanda. RTLM’s journalist, Noel Hitimana asks: “Whatever made them (as Hutu) go and sign a blood pact with those who will exterminate us? What prompted them to do so?”  For genocidaires, a real Hutus should not associate with any organisation linked to Tutsis.

On 17 October 2013, Digital Journal published a Judi Rever article titled, ‘Paul Kagame’s trips to the West not worth the headache’. Four days later, 21 October 2013, the same piece was republished by the website of FDU-Inkingi, an organisation of genocide ideologues led by Ingabire Victoire. In this piece of hate propaganda Rever asserts there are two Rwandan generals that have served as UN peacekeepers in high profile missions in Africa, who allegedly commanded “gruesome operations” whose “objective was to exterminate as many Hutus as possible”.

Other accusations against the RPF shared by Rever and Mugesera are “manoeuvres to divide the Rwandan people and provoke civil war; destruction of the environment; rape and abduction of women and children and ransom demands and destruction of Rwanda’s image abroad to prevent the country from obtaining any assistance.” This will be discussed in the next part.

The media set Rwanda on genocidal hell-hole, and it is still doing the same in different ways. Before and during the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, two radio stations and a multitude of regular and pamphleteering media in the country—methodically incited the ‘Hutu’ to commit genocide against the ‘Tutsi’.

At that time, one can hardly single out any foreign media—whether print, electronic or any other form which directly incited people to commit the worst crime in the history known to man, genocide. The worst a majority among the foreign media organs did was to misinform readers and audiences about what was really happening or what had happened in Rwanda.

Currently, with internet and the facilitation it provides in narrowcasting, media is the prime conduit of genocide deniers and ideologues whose bigotry matches the pre and throughout genocide. Mainstream news agencies, newspapers, many of which are online, radio and television—are some of the main channels of misrepresentations of Rwanda’s history, in favour of the planners, perpetrators and deniers of genocide. Are they ill informed, willing dupes, or something more sinister?

It becomes ever harder to make any distinction between Valerie Bemeriki and Judi Rever or between Habimana Kantano and Pierre Pean.

By: H.E Williams Nkurunziza*

To millions of Rwandans and objective observers around the world, President Paul Kagame is the most compelling hero of our time. He is a man who not only put his life on the line to stop the most ferocious genocide in modern history, the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, while the rest of the world watched with indifference, but he has also been the main architect of Rwanda’s phenomenal turn-around from a basket case in 1994 to a model state in Africa, today. This is our reality; our truth.

The Kagame and country he leads as painted in the article: Home remains no-go area for many Rwandan refugees 25 years after genocide, by one Cyril Zenda published in the Istanbul-based TRT World Online Magazine, recently, are not the Kagame and Country we know.

In the twisted logic of the author and his sources, Rwanda is burning because it is led by a man who ‘strikes fear in the hearts of refugees’, is ‘vindictive’ and won’t rest until he ‘kills all his enemies.’

The author and his sources further claim that Rwanda is a place where only the ‘suicidal’ live or are prepared to return. The article deliberately fails to establish why Zenda’s sources view themselves as President Kagame’s enemies. It also fails to mention a very critical fact of our reality: Over two million Rwandans forced into refugee life by the genocidal forces returned to Rwanda and none was killed, even though many had killed before fleeing the country.

Over two million of these were tried in Gacaca courts and 400,000 were convicted. None of those convicted were sentenced to death, not only because we do not have the death penalty, abolished under president Kagame’s reign, but because he and his government had made a radical choice to pursue restorative and not punitive justice against the perpetrators of the genocide. Killers were not killed. Instead, they were rehabilitated by a forgiving nation and are now productive members of society. And Zenda’s sources are welcome to seek forgiveness for their crimes and return home, instead of peddling falsehoods in the hope that these will cleanse the blood on their hands.

Clearly, the portrayal of President Kagame and Rwanda as framed in the article is an absolute inversion of our reality and its malicious, defamatory and unfounded attacks on Rwanda’s leadership, government and country can only evoke shock and consternation from all objective observers. Indeed, this twisted image of Kagame and the country he leads must exist in a parallel universe where only Zenda lives.

In our view, the article is not the work of a journalist, but of a polemicist eager to judge without evidence and to assassinate the character of a decent and compassionate man – and the living hero of our land – in the hope that his pretentions at objective outrage; his apparent historical revisionism and invidious inversion of our reality will pass for the truth.

The good news is: the Rwanda that exists outside Zenda’s parallel universe is a rich reservoir of positive, compelling and often times controversial stories. We welcome TRT to task journalists, not polemicists, to tap into this reservoir and share with its readers Rwanda’s true narrative, filled with earth-shaker stories, all the time.

Only this week, a mutual friend who Rwanda shares with Turkey, His Highness Tamim bin Hammad Al Thani, the Emir of Qatar, was in our capital, Kigali, to preside over the 4th edition of the Anti-Corruption Excellence Awards held in Rwanda in recognition of President Kagame’s laudable fight against corruption and his untiring efforts to build a society based on justice and good governance. And an agreement was reached there between Rwanda, Qatar and the UN to establish a global Anti-Corruption Training Centre in Kigali. Both leaders were also witnesses to the signing of an economic partnership agreement that will see Qatar Airways invest nearly $800 million in a new $1.3 Billion airport, in Rwanda, making it the largest single FDI commitment in our country’s history. An earth-shaker type of a story.

Equally, there are ennobling stories on national reconciliation, restorative justice, survivor resilience, women empowerment, peacekeeping, inclusive political dispensation and equity in economic management. 25 years ago, Rwanda was a failed state. Its economy was in shambles. Yet, this week, released national statistics indicate Rwanda’s economy grew at 11.9% in the third quarter. GDP Growth in the second quarter was 12.20. All indications are that Rwanda will record the highest GDP growth in the world this year.

And these levels of positive performance do not happen by accident. They are a product of effective leadership under President Kagame who is untiring in crafting winning strategies and focused on action to deliver on a vision of shared prosperity. Discerning international observers and rating agencies have taken note of Rwanda’s positive journey of rebirth and transformative renewal.

Where Zenda and his genocide denier sources see a ‘brutal regime’, others see an efficient, people-centred democracy, keen on building an inclusive peaceful society in which all Rwanda’s children can, and are, thriving. It is the informed view of the Global Competitiveness Index that Rwanda is the 7th most efficient state in the world and the first globally in women political empowerment.

Of note is that 61.3% of our parliament is controlled by women; 50% of Cabinet is controlled by women; 50% of all judges in Rwanda are women and they control nearly 45% of small businesses in the country. In the din of sounds voicing Rwanda’s accolades is that of the World Bank which has, over the last decade, consistently rated Rwanda as the second best country in Africa for Ease of doing Business. And our country has been rated by the Legatum Prosperity Index, as the second safest place in the world for women to walk at night.

Local and International assessment of Rwanda and its leadership tell of a country that is safe, secure, progressive, inclusive, caring and compassionate. This is the Rwanda that nearly 13 million citizens know and delight in living in, every day. This is the country that millions of tourists visit every year to enjoy its clean city, its warm hospitality, its safe countryside and to soak in the enveloping mystique of its exotic wildlife treasures. This is the land where President Kagame, the man who stopped the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi and championed for forgiveness as a basis for reconciliation and national healing, finds time to trek up the Virunga mountains to check, for himself, whether the mountain gorillas are safe – and invites friends and conservationists, globally, to come and share in the celebration and naming of new baby Gorillas.

Zenda deliberately seeks to twist our history by talking of ‘the 1994 genocide’ instead of the internationally accepted terminology, the ‘1994 genocide against Tutsi’ and in the true language of genocide deniers, allows an unsubstantiated claim that President Kagame, the tip of the spear in stopping bloodshed during the genocide against the Tutsi, is ‘a product of a bloody coup’. It is common knowledge that many suspects in the commission of the genocide against the Tutsi live in Zimbabwe. Many of them are business people in downtown Harare. All these are, today, part of a large body of suspects engaged in a protracted genocide denial campaign. A responsible journalist would seek to expose those Rwandans in Zimbabwe suspected to have had a role in the genocide against the Tutsi, instead of falsely attacking those working to rebuild a society torn up by the same genocide.

In the view of Legatum Prosperity Index, Rwanda ranks first in Africa in terms of safety; confidence in government; levels of freedom; confidence in elections and trust in police as well as in parliamentary representation for women. It also ranks third in Africa in terms of governance; economic quality and health delivery. Genocide deniers will never acknowledge this. But how come Zenda reflects similar deliberate myopia?

How come Zenda from Zimbabwe, an African country, does not see what visitors from Turkey, see? Turkey has an Embassy in Kigali. Turkish Airline flies to Kigali every day. Turkish investors are some of the largest in our country. Turkish construction companies are the most successful construction companies in Rwanda. Business delegations from Turkey travel to Rwanda regularly.

Only last week, a 16-person Kayseri business delegation returned from Rwanda and this weekend, a delegation from Istanbul is heading out to Kigali. All those from Turkey and other parts of the world, who have experienced post-genocide Rwanda talk, not of a ‘haunted’ place as claimed in the article, but of a safe, clean and endearing country. And all attest to the excellent job President Kagame has done in turning Rwanda, a failed state 25 years ago, into what they say is the Singapore or Switzerland of Africa. In humility, we prefer: The Rwanda of Africa.

And today, Rwanda is a land at peace with itself.

*Author is the Ambassador of Rwanda to Turkey

Source

By Tom Ndahiro

0n 19 December 2019 Uganda’s The Daily Monitor, published a story in which the country’s Minister of State for Regional Affairs Dr Philemon Mateke denied accusations levelled against him by Rwanda. “Am I their citizen? Am I a mercenary? … When officials in Rwanda want to eliminate someone they start accusing them of such”, adding that those accusing him have been known for “eliminating people”. “It’s not true, rubbish. Am I a Rwandese? Am I going to be a mercenary? Do I have capacity? …” The tone is theatrically aggrieved.

“The rulers of the state are the only persons who ought to have the privilege of lying, either at home or abroad; they may be allowed to lie for the good of the state,” so asserts Plato. This is advice Dr Mateke seems to have had in mind, although, perhaps, forgetting the last “for the good of the state” part, as Mateke’s actions can only damage the Ugandan state interests.

It is also fair to say that Plato may have had in mind a more refined approach to dissembling than Dr Mateke’s incoherently crude rant, when presented with evidence of his own direct support of armed groups now seeking to destabilise Rwanda.

Following what Rwanda’s Minister of State for the EAC Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe and Uganda’s Foreign Minister Sam Kutesa described as “a frank and cordial meeting”, Dr Mateke did his utmost to get rid of the “cordial” from the discussions. The cause for his unpolished outburst was the evidence presented by the Rwandan delegation at the 13 December 2019 Kampala return leg of the Luanda MoU follow-up talks to address the current conflict between Rwanda and Uganda crisis resulting from Rwanda’s assertions of Uganda’s support to such armed groups as the FDLR and RNC.

These talks, whose first leg was in Kigali on 16 September, are aimed at giving effect to the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed in Luanda, Angola, by Presidents Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and Paul Kagame under the mediation of the Angolan and DRC heads of state, respectively Joao Lourenco of Angola and Félix Antoine Tshisekedi. Among other things, the MoU demands an immediate end to support for such groups.

The Kampala meeting was presented with evidence of what transpired during the night of 3rd-4th October 2019 when a deadly terror attack was carried out in the Kinigi sector of Musanze District, in Rwanda’s Northern Province, by a group known as RUD-Urunana. The attack was launched from eastern DRC, close to the Ugandan border and Rwanda’s Volcanoes National Park. Most of the attackers were killed, but some were captured alive. An assortment of material evidence, including phone handsets, and testimonies of captured attackers, was collected.

Members of the Ugandan delegation were embarrassed to hear, with evidence at hand that “one Ugandan telephone number appeared to have been in constant contact with the attackers both before and during the attack. And, as the leader of the Rwandan delegation to the talks Hon Olivier Nduhungirehe explained, this number had been found to belong to Hon Mateke Philemon, Uganda’s Minister of State for Regional Affairs.”

Earlier this year, the DRC government of handed also over two senior officers of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), Ignace Nkaka (aka LaForge Fils Bazeye), and Lt Col Jean Pierre Nsekanabo (aka Abega Theophile Kamala). At the time of their capture, the two were respectively the genocidal terrorist armed group’s chief spokesperson and its head of military intelligence. They were intercepted by the DRC military at the Bunagana border-post between Uganda and DRC as they returned from Kampala consultation meetings with RNC representatives presided over by Minister Mateke and other Ugandan government and security officials to discuss improved coordination of the various armed groups’ activities, including joint FDLR-RNC action.

LaForge Fils Bazeye also explained the visit from which they were captured as the latest in a series of three to discuss joint strategies. The captured FDLR officials reported it was President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s view the FDLR and RNC should join force to give a greater impression that those opposed to President Kagame’s government represent a broad base of Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi.

Perhaps Dr Mateke’s consternation is justified. It could be argued that the Rwandan delegation may have offended diplomatic etiquette by presenting to the meeting the kind of highly compromising evidence of facts that are impossible to deny. He may have felt the least they could have done was to leave him some wriggle room for plausible denials to save both his and his master’s faces.

In addition to Plato, perhaps Mateke subscribes to Mark Twain’s view that “the truth is the most valuable thing we have. Let’s economize it.” He may thus have felt that, in the circumstances, the Rwandan delegation had been altogether too profligate with the truth.

In voicing his denial to The Daily Monitor journalist, the octogenarian Mateke was channelling some of his innermost long-held and deeply felt resentments:  “Those people are very malicious as they have always been. When they want to eliminate a person, normally these are the excuses they give, you know their job is to eliminate people, but I’m not their citizen …!” He was almost natural. Caught red-handed, Mateke, Museveni’s liaison to his Rwandan genocidal proxies had to bluster.  His intempestive and intemperate attack against Rwanda might be even more revealing about his associations than the evidence produced by Rwanda, damning as that may have been. His virulent attack is taken almost verbatim from his genocidaire relatives’ play-book.

The National Commission for the Fight against Genocide (CNLG) has embarked on reminding key events that preceded the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi before April 1994. In its press release of 10 January 2020, signed by its Executive Secretary, Dr. Jean Damascene Bizimana CNLG brings out what happened on 6^th -12^th January, 1991-1994.

Distribution of weapons to fight those opposing HABYARIMANA’s regime

On 8^th January 1992, political parties that were not in the same streak with the MRND (Mouvement Révolutionaire National pour le Dévelopment) carried out strong demonstrations in Kigali, Butare and Gitarama towns. These political parties were denouncing the way president HABYARIMANA and his party were impeding the peace-talks and sharing of power yet President HABYARIMANA had agreed to reshuffle the government and include some members from opposition parties.

On 30^th October 1991, HABYARIMANA tasked Sylvestre NSANZIMANA, then prime minister to reshuffle the government but all selected ministers were members of the MRND except only Gaspard RUHUMURIZA who was member of the PDC (Parti Démocratique Centriste), led by Jean Népomuscène NAYINZIRA.

To quell the demonstrations, president HABYARIMANA ordered that strong youth from MRND should be selected and equipped with guns to counter those from the opposition. Over 300 guns were distributed.

Demonstrations by Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi militia and killings in Kigali

On 8^th January 1994, Belgium intelligence institutions wrote a confidential statement indicating that on 7^th January there had been a meeting at MRND headquarters that was convened MRND president, Mathieu NGIRUMPATSE, defense minister Augustin BIZIMANA, chief of defense Staff General Déogratias NSABIMANA, Gendarmerie chief of staff general Augustin NDINDIRIYIMANA, Robert Kajuga, the commandant of Interahamwe at national level and other high ranking military and gendarmes.

In the meeting, it was resolved that the arms store should not be made known to the UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda), and should rather be shifted to be stored in houses of top military and gendarmerie officers who were good  and faithful members  of the MRND. It was also resolved that they should make propaganda among the civilians so that they could denounce UNAMIR, especially Belgian soldiers in the mission.

The meeting was followed by terrible demonstrations conducted on 8^th January 1994 in the city of Kigali; backed by leaders of Kigali Urban prefecture and soldiers from the presidential guard disguised as civilians that injured several people in the city of Kigali using grenades.

BAGOSORA declared that he would prepare an apocalypse for Tutsi

9^th January 1993 is a date that should never be forgotten in the history of the Genocide against the Tutsi. On this date, in Arusha Tanzania, a part of the Arusha peace agreement regarding power-sharing had been signed. Col Théoneste BAGOSORA who was part of the talks but not convinced with the resolutions, infuriated, got out of the room saying: “I am returning home to prepare for an apocalypse”.

One of the resolutions that infuriated BAGOSORA was that MRND had been given only five seats of ministers out of 21 ministries that would make up the transitional government and only 11 seats out of 70 deputies for the transitional parliament. BAGOSORA did not agree with this power-sharing. He instead accused Boniface NGULINZIRA, then minister of foreign affairs of having sold the country.

As soon as he returned to Kigali from Arusha on 9^th January 1993, Col BAGOSORA held several meetings with his faction of extremists including senior military officers like Col. Dr. Laurent BARANSARITSE who was the head of Kanombe Military hospital, Lt Col Anatole NSENGIYUMVA who was at the time the Commandant of the army in Gisenyi prefecture, Major Protais MPIRANYA who was the commandant of the presidential guard, Major Aloys Ntabakuze who was the commandant of Paracomandos  battalion, Major Augustin NTIBIHORA who was the commandant of the  military engineering regiment; they jointly founded an association of killings within the Rwanda armed forces and named it AMASASU (Association of soldiers annoyed by the secular acts of the Unarists).

Declaration of preparation of genocide in UN

On 11^th January 1994, one of the powerful leaders of Interahamwe in the city of Kigali, Abubakar TURATSINZE, alias Jean Pierre disclosed secret to general Romeo DALLAIRE who was the commander in chief of UN troops in Rwanda that Interahamwe had been well prepared to kill about 20 000 Tutsi per day, that they had enough weapons stored in Gikondo at Kabuga’s house, that list of Tutsi to be killed had been prepared. He added that since UNAMIR was deployed to Rwanda, over 17000 militiamen had been trained to complement with several others who had been trained before. General DALLAIRE wrote a statement requesting for the right to confiscate those weapons and stop groundworks on the genocide.

On 12^th January 1994, DALLAIRE was given an answer that had been signed by one of the UN top leaders called Iqbal RIZA who was the deputy to Koffi ANNAN, then head of UN peace keeping services requesting general DALLAIRE of not involving UNAMIR in confiscation of arms.  Iqbal added that the only thing DALLAIRE had to do was to discuss it with president HABYARIMANA and ambassadors of France, Belgium and The United States, to Rwanda. DALLAIRE kept silence until the genocide happened and claimed lives of the people he was mandated to protect.

These acts stated above comprise a small portion of a series of acts committed by the Government that prepared and executed the Genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi in its evil plan to exterminate the tutsi. They thus show that the Genocide committed against the Tutsi was neither an accident nor caused by the shooting down of president HABYARIMANA’s plane; they rather show that the Genocide against the Tutsi had been thoroughly planned. They also recall everyone, especially countries, of their international obligations to prosecute and arraign to courts its perpetrators by respecting their obligations provided for by the UN Security Council’s Resolution 2150 adopted on 16^th April 2014.

Mu itangazo ryashyizweho Umukono n’Umunyamabanga Nshingwabikorwa wa Komisiyo y’Igihugu yo Kurwanya Jenoside (CNLG), Dr BIZIMANA Jean-Damascene, ku itariki ya 10 Mutarama 2020, CNLG iragaruka ku bikorwa by’ingenzi byaranze amatariki ya 06-12 Mutarama 1991-1994 mu itegurwa rya Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi mu Rwanda.

Itangwa ry’intwaro zo kurwanya abatavuga rumwe n’ubutegetsi

Tariki ya 8 Mutarama 1992, amashyaka ataravugaga rumwe n’ishyaka ryari ku butegetsi rya MRND yakoresheje imyigaragambyo mu Mujyi wa Kigali, Butare na Gitarama. Ayo mashyaka yamaganaga uburyo Perezida HABYARIMANA n’ishyaka rye bari bakomeje kubangamira ibiganiro ku mishyikirano y’amahoro no kugabana ubutegetsi yaberaga Arusha muri Tanzaniya, kandi HABYARIMANA yari yaremeye ko agiye guhindura Guverinoma akanashyiramo abo mu mashyaka ataravugaga rumwe na MRND. HABYARIMANA icyo gihe koko yahinduye Guverinoma ku itariki 30 Ukuboza 1991 ayishinga Minisitiri w’Intebe Sylvestre NSANZIMANA, ariko ba Minisitiri hafi ya bose bashyizwemo bari abo muri MRND, usibye umwe gusa, Gaspard RUHUMURIZA, wakomokaga mu ishyaka rya PDC.

Mu guhangana n’iyi myigaragambyo y’amashyaka, Perezida HABYARIMANA yategetse ko hatoranywa abasore b’abahutu b’intarumikwa bo muri MRND, bagahabwa imyitozo n’imbunda zo kujya bahangana n’abo yitaga Ibyitso by’Inkotanyi n’abatavuga rumwe n’ubutegetsi bwe. Hatanzwe intwaro zirenga 300, zagiye zikoreshwa mu bikorwa by’ubwicanyi n’urugomo.

Imyigaragambyo n’ubwicanyi by’Interahamwe n’Impuzamugambi mu Mujyi wa Kigali

Ku itariki ya 8 Mutarama 1994, inzego z’iperereza z’Ububiligi zanditse inyandiko y’ibanga yerekana ko ku itariki ya 7 z’uko kwezi, hari inama yabereye ku cyicaro gikuru cya MRND yahuje Perezida wa MRND, Matayo NGIRUMPATSE; Minisitiri w’ingabo, Augustin BIZIMANA; umugaba mukuru w’ingabo, Jenerali NSABIMANA Deogratias; umugaba mukuru wa Jandarumori, Jenerali Augustin NDINDIRIYIMANA; Robert KAJUGA, umuyobozi w’Interahamwe ku rwego rw’igihugu n’abandi bajandarume bakuru n’abasirikare. Muri iyi nama, hemejwe ko Guverinoma y’u Rwanda itagomba kwereka  ingabo z’Umuryango w’Abibumbye zari mu Rwanda (MINUAR) aho intwaro za Leta zihishe, ko ahubwo bagomba kuzimura zikajyanwa kubikwa mu ngo z’abasirikare n’abajandarume bakuru, bibona muri MRND, kandi bashyigikiye Interahamwe. Bemeje ko bagomba gukora propaganda mu baturage yo kubangisha MINUAR cyane cyane abasirikare b’Ababiligi bari mu bayigize.

Iyi nama yakurikiwe n’imyigaragambyo mibi cyane ku itariki ya 8 Mutarama 1994 mu Mujyi wa Kigali yitabiriwe n’abayobozi ba Perefegitura y’Umujyi wa Kigali n’abasirikare bo mu mutwe wari ushinzwe kurinda Perezida HABYARIMANA bambaye imyenda ya sivili. Bakoreye urugomo abantu benshi bakoresheje za gerenade, indembo n’ibindi bikoresho by’ubugome.

Bagosora yavuye mu biganiro Arusha atangaza ko agiye gutegura imperuka y’Abatutsi

Ku itariki ya 9 Mutarama 1993, nibwo Arusha muri Tanzaniya, hemejwe igice cy’amasezerano y’amahoro   kirebana no gusaranganya ubutegetsi. Colonel Bagosora Theoneste wari mu ntumwa z’u Rwanda muri iyo nama, ntiyemeye ibyavuyemo, yasohotse arakaye aravuga ngo “Ndatashye ngiye gutegura imperuka”, (yakoresheje ijambo ry’Igifaransa, Apocalypse). Kimwe mubyo ayo masezerano yemeje cyababaje BAGOSORA ni uko ishyaka rya MRND ryari ryahawe imyanya itanu (5) y’Abaminisitiri muri Minisiteri 21 zagombaga kuba zigize Guverinoma y’inzibacyuho ndetse n’imyanya 11 ku badepite 70 bari bateganyijwe mu Nteko Ishinga Amategeko nayo y’inzibacyuho. BAGOSORA ntiyemeraga na busa iri saranganya ry’ubutegetsi ndetse ashinja Minisitiri w’Ububanyi n’Amahanga w’u Rwanda, Boniface NGULINZIRA, ngo kuba yaragurishije Igihugu, bituma MRND imuhimba izina “NGULISHIGIHUGU.”

Colonel BAGOSORA akimara kugaruka i Kigali avuye Arusha ku wa 9 Mutarama 1993, yakoresheje inama zitandukanye na bagenzi be b‘intagondwa, barimo abasilikare bakuru nka Colonel Dr Laurent BARANSARITSE wayoboraga ibitaro bya gisilikare bya Kanombe, Liyetona Kolonel Anatole NSENGIYUMVA wayoboraga ingabo muri Gisenyi, Major Protais MPIRANYA wayoboraga abasilikare barindaga Perezida HABYARIMANA, Major Aloys NTABAKUZE wayoboraga batayo parakomando, bashinga Ishyirahamwe ry’abicanyi mu ngabo z’u Rwanda baryita  AMASASU.

Iri shyirahamwe ryayoborwaga na BAGOSORA wihimbaga izina rya Komanda Mike TANGO, rikaba ryarabaye ku isonga yo gukwiza ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside mu ngabo z’u Rwanda no gukangurira abasilikare kutazemera kubana n’Inkotanyi, ahubwo bakitegura kurimbura Abatutsi kuko ngo Abatutsi bari ibyitso by’INKOTANYI.

Imenyekanishwa ry’itegurwa rya Jenoside mu Muryango w’Abibumbye

Tariki 11 Mutarama 1994, umwe mu bayobozi bakomeye b’Interahamwe mu Mujyi wa Kigali witwaga TURATSINZE Abubakar, alias Jean-Pierre, yabwiye mu ibanga Jenerali Romeo DALLAIRE wayoboraga ingabo za LONI mu Rwanda ko Interahamwe zamaze kwitegura kwica Abatutsi bagera ku bihumbi makumyabiri (20000), ko zifite intwaro zirunze I Gikondo kwa Kabuga, ko lisiti z’Abatutsi zamaze gukorwa, ko kandi kuva MINUAR yagera mu Rwanda, Interahamwe zatojwe zigera  ku 1700 ziyongera kuzindi  nyinshi zari zisanzwe zarahawe imyitozo. Jenerali DALLAIRE yanditse inyandiko yihutirwa (câble) ayoherereza Umuryango w’Abibumbye asaba uburengenzira bwo gufatira izo ntwaro no guhagarika ibikorwa by’itegurwa rya Jenoside.

Ku itariki ya 12 Mutarama 1994, DALLAIRE yahawe igisubizo cyasinyweho n’umwe mu bayobozi bakuru ba LONI witwa Liza IQBAR wari wungirije KOFFI ANNAN wayoboraga icyo gihe serivisi ya LONI ishinzwe ibikorwa byo kubungabunga amahoro, abuza DALLAIRE kwinjiza MINUAR mu bikorwa byo gufatira intwaro. IQBAR yongeyeho ko icyo DALLAIRE yemerewe gukora ari ukuzabiganira na Perezida HABYARIMANA na ba Ambasaderi b’Ubufaransa, Ububiligi na Leta zunze Ubumwe za Amerika mu Rwanda. DALLAIRE yarekeye aho, Jenoside irinda ikorwa ihitana abaturage yari ashinzwe kurinda, byose bikorwa arebera.

UMWANZURO

Ibi bikorwa byavuzwe haruguru ni bimwe mu ruhererekane rw’ibikorwa byinshi byakozwe na Guverinoma yateguye Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi ikanayishyira mubikorwa mu mugambi wayo mubisha wo kwica no kumaraho Abatutsi. Bikaba kandi bigaragaza ko Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi itabaye impanuka cyangwa ngo iterwe n’ihanuka ry’indege yari itwaye Perezida HABYARIMANA, ko ahubwo ari umugambi wari warateguwe igihe kirekire.

Ibi kandi bikaba binibutsa  buri wese, cyane cyane  ibihugu, inshingano bifite yo gukurikirana mu butabera abayigizemo uruhare bari kubutaka bwabyo bubahiriza inshingano mpuzamahanga zikubiye mu mwanzuro 2150 w’Inama y’Umuryango w’Abibumbye Ishinzwe Amahoro ku isi wo ku itariki ya 16 Mata 2014. Kimwe mubyo uyu mwanzuro usaba ibihugu ni ugushyiraho amategeko n’uburyo bwo gukurikirana mu butabera Abagize uruhare muri Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi no guhana abapfobya n’abahakana Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi.

Dukomeze twitegura Kwibuka ku nshuro ya 26 Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi, turwanya ingengabitekerezo ya Jenoside n’ipfobya n’ihakana rya Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi.

By Tom Ndahiro

Genocide ideologues never cease to create and recreate forums to sustain their toxic isms. The political juggling and tricks packaged as human rights activism and Democratic campaigning, are recycled over and over again. In the planning and execution phases of the genocide and the subsequent denial, metaphoric catchphrases are liberally employed. To those in the know, the metaphors serve as encrypted verses for extermination.

During genocide against Tutsi for instance, the rape of Tutsi women was grotesquely, mockingly, referred to as “Kubohoza” literally to liberate. The code for an area with many Tutsis, “a lot of dirt here.”

In monarchical, pre-colonial Rwanda “Umutabazi”, or Abatabazi in plural, literally saviour or rescuer, referred to individuals who gave their lives for the wellbeing of the Kingdom. Such heroic figures who were considered liberators, typically gave their lives to save the nation from catastrophes, whether natural, like floods or famine, or man-made like defending the nation from external attacks.

The genocidal interim government lead by Theodore Sindikubwabo was deliberately named “Guverinoma y’Abatabazi” literally a government of redeemers. Umutabazi is from the verb “Gutabara” which has several but related meanings that include help, rescue, intervene, fight for your country etc.

It is a thinking that is alive and well in the minds of the adherents of such an ideology. It can for instance be seen in another self-styled redeemer of Rwanda, Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza. On 11^th September 2019, she announced the creation of yet another political party in Rwanda, “Development and Liberty for All (DALFA) – UMURINZI”

The addition of Umurinzi is significant. The word is derived from the verb ‘kurinda’, to protect and to watch over. It is also a ritual name for a sacred tree called Umuko botanically called Erythrina abyssinica.

The tree figures in Rwanda’s ancient religious beliefs, whose adherents were known as Imandwa.  Imandwa celebrated Ryangombe as a sacrificial figure, almost as Christians celebrate Jesus Christ.

According to this myth, Ryangombe was a hero who died, after being gored by a furious buffalo which threw him into the branches of Umurinzi.  The belief was that as he lay dying in Umurinzi, or the protective tree, Ryangombe established a set of religious beliefs which assured salvation on earth, and in the hereafter.

Ideological labels

For Ingabire, the choice of the word Umurinzi is culturally significant. As the political heir to the intellectual framers of genocide ideology in Rwanda, she preserves the code.

She has always projected herself as redeemer. On 16^th January 2010, the day she returned to Rwanda from The Netherlands, her website announced her coming and her mission. She declared that she came to Rwanda as a “liberator” to save the ‘people’ from the yoke of Tutsi inequalities “especially fear, poverty, dictatorship, feudalism, racism, loss of national heritage, precarious housing, life without a home, living in humiliation, and other ills.

In this, she was only replaying the so called Hutu Power ideology, since the first murders of Tutsi in 1959, to date. Declare that the ‘people’ (for PARMEHUTU, the people always mean Hutu) need liberation from the terrible Tutsi, which liberation would then be used to justify the mass murder of men, women and children.

Until she proclaimed her DALFA-UMURINZI, for thirteen years, Ingabire was the leader of Forces Democratiques Unifiées/United Democratic Forces (FDU-Inkingi). For thirteen years before that, she was at the head of the “Rally for the Return of Refugees and Democracy in Rwanda (RDR). Both organisations served as an umbrella for the leadership of Rwanda’s genocidal establishment.

When she took over the leadership of RDR, it was from some of the master minds of the genocide against Tutsi, many of whom, like Colonel Theoneste Bagosora, Major-Gen Augustin Bizimungu, Major Aloys Ntabakuze, Dr. Ferdinand Nahimana, were convicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).

These were the intellectual stalwarts for Parmehutu ideology, who wanted their organisations sanitised and repackaged for a new, global audience, and Ingabire was their chosen perfect successor.

Clever, shrewd, energetic, committed, and free from direct involvement in the 1994 genocide against Tutsi (she was in the Netherlands at the time, unlike her mother Thérèse Dusabe, a particularly cruel genocide perpetrator fugitive known as the ‘Butcher of Butamwa’ convicted by a Gacaca court for her many murders of pregnant Tutsi women from whose wombs she loved cutting foetuses).

Ingabire is of great importance to the genocidal establishment, the principles of whom must necessarily hide in the shadows. From the outset she was selected as the acceptable face of Rwanda’s genocide ideology. Her rise within that community was meteoric.

In 1997 she became leader of the RDR, Netherlands chapter. Three years later, in 2000, she was elevated to President of the organisation, internationally. Wherever such people were in the world, they answered to her.

In 2003, RDR changed its name to become the Republican Rally for Democracy in Rwanda, keeping the abbreviations. This is a common time honoured tactic within PARMEHUTU. The name of the organisation changes to fit the conditions, and the particular stage of implementation of the ideology. It is an insidious camouflage that is hidden to all but the initiated into the ideology.

The first genocidal pogroms of Tutsi in 1959, were organised under the Belgian administration, but with Republican Democratic Movement (MDR-PARMEHUTU) leading the murders. MDR-PARMEHUTU was created in October the same year, a month before the killings began.

In 1973, MDR-PARMEHUTU was ousted from power in coup d’état led by Juvenal Habyarimana. It is safe to assume with the blessing of the Belgian colonial authorities, since nothing of significance happened in Rwanda, without their say so.

In 1975 Juvenal Habyarimana created a new ruling party the Mouvement Révolutionnaire National pour le Développement/National Revolutionary Movement for Development (MRND). Words ‘revolution’ and ‘movement’ maintained to root the new party within PARMEHUTU ideology.

The organised recurrent mass murders of 1959-64 were officially to be called “The Social Revolution.” It is a term that many still use today. As they prepared the next genocide in June 1991, they changed the name again, National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development, the acronym remained untouched. The pattern continued to be change to a name in which genocide could be hidden and justified, as “Social Revolution” “Self Defence” or “Liberation”.

By January 1960 with Rwanda still officially under colonial rule, there were thousands of Rwandan refugees in neighbouring countries. They were ‘Tutsi’ fleeing from genocidal massacres. But in a speech on 7^th December 1990, President Juvenal Habyarimana declares that these were people who had “fled from a regime chosen by the majority. They fled from the will of the people”. According to Habyarimana, the victims of genocide were “staunch supporters of the monarchy fleeing from the Revolution and fighting against the establishment of the Republic.” Perpetrators of genocide were “representatives of the people, who were against the monarchic regime.” And just like that, genocide is denied, the victims vilified, and perpetrators exonerated, even praised.

The words ‘Republican’ and ‘Democracy’ carry a particular meaning for the adherents of the PARMEHUTU ideology. To them Democracy, as with people, is always code for Hutu to exclusion of Tutsi, who are not to be regarded as people, certainly not Rwandans. Republican is code for the leadership of the ‘people’ the ‘Democracy.’

And when they speak of the ‘majority’, they do not mean the majority of Rwandans, they mean a majority which is exclusively Hutu. It is esoteric language that up to now has served them well, as they proclaim to the world that their only crime is to represent the majority, and campaign for Democratic, Republican values, and who could object to that, except the terrible Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)!

This is the logic which brought the creation of yet another ultra-extremist Hutu party Coalition pour la Défense de la République/Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR). Ingabire embodies this ideology. For her and others like her, the RPF is not seen as properly and can certainly not lead her kind of ‘Republic’ in Rwanda.

The ‘emancipation’ part in PARMEHUTU, explains why in 1992, CDR or “defenders of the republic’ to give it its full meaning was created. In their euphemistic language, the name looks harmless enough to foreigners or to the unwary or gullible Rwandans. Unless you understand the almost always coded language of PARMEHUTU, the codes have more precise meaning for the target group of Rwandans who subscribe to their tropical “republicanism”.

From 2003 to 2006, Ingabire was installed into the position of President yet another political camouflage — Union des Forces Démocratiques Rwandaises/Union of Rwanda Democratic Forces (UFDR), ostensibly with the aims of achieving what the words denote, but in reality, a discriminatory organisation, a façade for people who champion the genocide ideology of the RDR.

In April 2006, three groups namely the Alliance démocratique rwandaise/ADR-Isangano Rwandan Democratic Alliance (ADR-Isangano), the Resistance Forces for Democracy (FDR/RFD) and RDR came together to form the Unified Democratic Forces (FDU-Inkingi), under the leadership of Victoire Ingabire, until recently, when she created another political party, DALFA-Umurinzi.

To paraphrase a Stalinist era saying, new party, same as old party. As in all previous incarnations, the new party is FDU-Inkingi in all but name, which in turn was RDR in all but name, and so on, like the Hydra’s many heads. It is also like a computer virus designed to camouflage her decades’ long lethal PARMEHUTU ideology.

The changing of names and appellations of their supposedly political groups often misleads people who know little or nothing about the construction of popular genocidal narratives. Words like ‘republican’ or ‘Umurinzi’ and ‘Inkingi’ in the context of Rwanda are justifiers. Whenever these genocide ideologues write that so and so Rwandan is a ‘Republican’, it means that person, people or party are Hutu who are ultra-extremist Tutsi haters. And this is the same people who consider themselves to be a ‘PILLAR or PILLARS’ (Inkingi) and ‘PROTECTOR or GUARDIAN’ (Umurinzi).

Ingabire and her supporters are aware Rwanda has a law establishing national orders, symbols awarded by the nation to persons who demonstrated valuable, even supreme acts. Umurinzi is one among the seven orders, awarded mainly in recognition of people who have distinguished themselves in combating genocide against Tutsi, or in protecting targets of murder.

We also have a National Order of Outstanding Friendship—Igihango. The National Unity and reconciliation has been rewarding people who risked their lives to save Tutsis during the genocide. Such people are mostly Rwandans (and few foreigners) who were not targets of genocide. An individual in that category is called ‘UMURINZI w’IGIHANGO’ meaning “a protector of the indestructible relationship/friendship”.

Igihango in Rwandan tradition is a pact sealed in blood. Guhana igihango or kunywana meant to drink one another. The ritual tied two people or two families in an unbreakable bond, in perpetuity.

The vow of ‘Igihango’ was sealed publicly, with a symbolic drop of blood from each other’s abdomen, usually too close to the navel. The two drops were mixed in milk or specially made beverage that would be drunk by individuals entering the numinous pact. It was sacrilegious and even unheard of to betray a friend with pact sealed in blood. From my findings, the betrayal of Igihango, only happened during the genocide in 1994.

Ingabire the Interahamwe protector

For Rwandans, it is offensive, an aberration, incongruity and denial of genocide for someone like Ingabire, given her allegiance to PARMEHUTU genocide ideology, to name her party Umurinzi. The recipients of these honours, mostly Rwandans, but also some non-Rwandans, were individuals who demonstrated great bravery, in fighting against crimes of genocide, which the ideology she espouses leads to.

In a document published in June 1996, top twelve RDR intellectuals and influencers led by Theoneste Bagosora say before and during the genocide against the Tutsi, Rwanda had two antagonistic political tendencies: the Pro-RPF trend and the ‘republican’ trend.  They say the first leaning was Inyenzi or cockroaches. They explain in their document that Inyenzi is “A vernacular term used to designate the pro-RPF trend. By extension, that term is used today to designate even foreigners who are supporting the RPF.”

The second tendency –Interahamwe, where Ms Ingabire belongs, is described as “A vernacular term used to designate the republican trend. By extension, that term also applies to any person who no longer wishes to collaborate with the RPF, even if he is a foreigner”. Taken as a noun, the Ingabire/Bagosora group say: “Interahamwe means “those who walk together”. And adds: “In Rwandan culture, that noun is used to signify men decided to walk together to accomplish good deeds for the benefit of the society. Never can it be used to denote the contrary”.

In the above statement, its authors acknowledge they are indeed Interahamwe. But later in the document deny the obvious that they were the genocidal apparatus.

That said, the RDR men supports what Kambanda told the ICTR investigators. Speaking to ICTR investigators on 24 September 1997, Kambanda lay emphasis on the so-called ‘civil defence’ or the training of genocidal militia and distribution of weapons started long before the genocide. He said: “…they were never referred to as Interahamwe being trained. They claimed they were being trained for the entire nation. So it saw itself as the guarantor or the representative of the nation. The term they used therefore was “civil defence”.

Kambanda particularises: “So they didn’t train people saying “we are going to train Interahamwe” because that would have been interpreted as training for their party (MRND). They wanted people to believe that it was for the whole nation and not for the political party.”

One investigator asked Kambanda if that went back to 1990. And Kambanda was unambiguous: “The period doesn’t matter. When arms were distributed to civilians, it wasn’t said “we are going to distribute arms to the Interahamwe” because the Interahamwe were identified as the youth wing of the MRND…they couldn’t say, “I am going to arm MY youth wing”.

Kambanda further added: “Officially they said “we are the guarantors of national unity and peace in the whole country and are going to organise civil defence”. But, he added, “recruitment was done among what I referred to as the republican youth and this republican youth was ITS youth wing, that of the CDR”. Here Rwandan republicans are genocidaires

This revelation or analogy by Kambanda clearly tells why Ingabire chose “Development And Liberty For All”, and Umurinzi. The key words are “For All” and UMURINZI or protector. From the Rwandan ‘Republicans’ or genocidaires of 1959 to the pre-1994 Hutu-Power republicans to Ingabire 60 years later there is a strong ideological association.

To accentuate what ‘republicans’ mean in the minds of Rwandan genocidaires, on 25 May 1994, Jean Kambanda issued Prime Minister’s Civil Defence Directive.  Paragraph five of the decree reads: “Close cooperation between territorial administration authorities and political parties that uphold republican and democratic ideal is a prerequisite for the recruitment of members of resistance groups and the organisation and training of such groups.”

Jean Bosco Barayagwiza was an RDR member, and is among the genocidaires who were convicted by the ICTR. In his book Le Sang HUTU est-il rouge? (Is Hutu Blood Red?) (1995), Barayagwiza says the RPF was liable for the shooting down of the plane of President Juvenal Habyarimana and that its foremost goal was to take over-all power in Rwanda by force, ending the ‘republican movement’ in the process and inciting retaliations against the Tutsi.

Genocide against Tutsi ideologues are not exclusively Rwandans. There are Europeans and North Americans who harbour the similar noxious thoughts. One of them is Serge Desouter, a Belgian Catholic priest from the congregation of The Missionaries of Africa commonly known as the ‘White Fathers’.  In his expert report to the ICTR (2006) Desouter replicate what was said by Barayagwiza by endorsing the September 1992 definition given by the Rwandan Military that the Tutsi were enemies of the country because were “determined to overthrow the Republican institutions by force.”

This priest describes the genocidaires’ hate propaganda media as “The pro-republican private press” which he believes “advocated maintenance of the achievements of the 1959 social revolution and addressed the defence of the country.” He lists some: “The newspapers classified in this category are Umurwanashyaka, Kamarampaka, Echo des Milles Collines, Kangura and the Medaille-Nyiramacibiri as well as RTLM.” Whoever knows the role of these ill-reputed mouthpieces of genocidaires would surely wonder why Desouter remains a priest proselytising love while he endorses hate and genocide.

It is not quite hard to see how genocidaires live in the image which they are diametrically opposed to. The so-called Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) is a bunch of a Rwandan “Hutu” armed group which has for over two decades established its base in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. Since its creation, its leadership is dominated by those who were involved in the genocide against the Tutsi.

Members of this group call themselves “Abacunguzi” or Saviours. The singular form is Umucunguzi. Salvation in Kinyarwanda is “Gucungurwa”, which means FDLR is Rwandan’s source of salvation—and hence likely to be saved out of a perilous condition in which they risk perishing. According to the scripture, God saves humanity through Jesus Christ (Luke 2:11) and that the gospel brings salvation to believers (Romans 1:16).

The FDLR and other genocide ideologues like Ms. Ingabire mirror their criminal projects the same as eschatological and prophetic promises in the Bible. For instance, Israel had confidence God will help them (Micah 7:7) and also when Yahweh said Jeremiah will save his people by bringing his people to their land (Jeremiah 31:7) or in Exodus 34:22.

The idea and word salvation are cardinal in the New and Old Testaments. Genocide ideologues know what it means to use scriptural panaches in packaging their hatred targeting people who believe the bible is a Holy book. That’s what Joseph Gitera and Hassan Ngeze did in enacting their heinous Ten Hutu commandments in 1959 and 1990 respectively.

Na: Ndahiro Tom

Abahakana Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi bahakana ko yateguwe. Abayikoze, abayihakana n’abayikora ntibashaka ko uko kuri kumenyekana ngo kwibukwe uko kuri. Uburyo bwonyine bwo gutuma bitazibagirana ni ukwibutsa amateka y’uko byagenze hakavugwamo ababikoze igihe babikoreye n’aho babikoreye. Muri ibyo hakanibutswa ba nyiramukubitwa babirenganiyemo, abahohotewe ndetse n’abishwe. Mu gihe bamenyekanye amazina yabo akavugwa, akandikwa akibukwa.

Komisiyo y’Igihugu yo kurwanya Jenoside (CNLG) ikomeje kugaragaza aho u Rwanda rwanyuze mu nzira iganisha igihugu kuri Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi. Nkuko byatangajwe na Dr BIZIMANA Jean Damascene, Umunyamabanga Nshingwabikorwa wa CNLG ku wa 14 Mutarama 2020, hagaragajwe bimwe mu bikorwa by’ingenzi byaranze itegurwa rya Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi byabaye mu cyumweru cya kabiri cy’ukwezi (13-19 Mutarama) mu myaka ya 1991, 1992, 1993 na 1994.

Dore urwo ruhererekane nkuko byatangajwe:

Ishingwa ry’Ikinyamakuru INTERAHAMWE

Muri Mutarama 1992 ni nabwo hashinzwe Ikinyamakuru cyitwaga INTERAHAMWE cyari gishamikiye kuri MRND kikayoborwa na Robert KAJUGA wari umuyobozi w’Interahamwe ku rwego rw’Igihugu. Iki kinyamakuru hamwe n’ibyitwaga Kangura, Kamarampaka, La Médaille Nyiramacibiri, Echos des Mille Collines, Umurwanashyaka, RTLM n’ibindi, kiri mu byakwirakwije urwango n’ubukangurambaga bwa Jenoside.

13 Mutarama 1993: Inyandiko zitoteza Perefe wa Butare Dr HABYARIMANA Jean Baptiste zatangiye gukwirakwizwa

Dr Habyarimana Jean Baptiste yagizwe perefe ku wa 3 Nyakanga 1992. Niwe perefe wenyine w’Umututsi kuri ba perefe 11 bayoboraga za Perefegitura, akaba yari mu Ishyaka rya Parti Liberal (PL). Kuva yahabwa kuyobora iyo Perefegitura yaribasiwe ku buryo bukomeye azizwa ko ari Umututsi wahanganaga n’intagondwa za MRND na CDR zakwizaga ingangabitekerezo ya Jenoside mu Mujyi wa Butare. Muri bo abari ku isonga ni Capitaine Nizeyimana Ildefonse, Alphonse Higaniro wayoboraga uruganda rw’ibibiriti SORWAL, Ndereyehe Charles Ntahontuye wayoboraga ISAR, Dr Jean Berchmas Nshimyumuremyi wari umuyobozi wungirije wa Kaminuza, Dr Eugène Rwamucyo n’abandi. Aka gatsiko kafatanyije n’abakozi benshi bananiza Perefe Habyarimana bakoresheje uburyo bwinshi harimo kumwandikira amabaruwa mabi y’urudaca, agamije kumutesha agaciro. Imwe muri ayo mabaruwa ni iyanditswe ku wa 13 Mutarama 1993 n’abakozi bakuru 10 bakoreraga mu Mujyi wa Butare na Nyanza, harimo na ba superefe batatu (3) bayoborwaga na Perefe Habyarimana.

Iyo baruwa bayihaye inyito ivuga ngo: “Ibaruwa-bwega yandikiwe Bwana Habyarimana Yohani Baptusta Perefe wa Perefegitura ya Butare.” Icya mbere aba bantu bashinjaga Perefe Habyarimana ngo ni ukuba yaragaragarije abaturage ko bagomba gukorana n’Inkotanyi. Baragira bati:”Wowe ubwawe Bwana Perefe, inama wakoranye n’abaturage ba Komini Nyaruhengeri ubwo wajyaga kubiyereka, usubiza ikibazo wari ubajijwe cyerekeranye n’abasore bajya mu Nkotanyi, wivugiye ko abo Bantu nta makosa bafite, ko nta n’ugomba kubatangira kuko iyo bayagira Leta y’u Rwanda itari kugirana imishyikirano n’INKOTANYI.” Kuba Perefe Habyarimana yarabwiraga abaturage ko batagomba gukomeza gufata Inkotanyi nk’abanyamahanga, kureka kubita Inyangarwanda, ahubwo bakabaha uburenganzira bwabo nka buri Munyarwanda nta cyaha cyarimo. Buri muyobozi wese yagimbye ahubwo kuba yarabigenje atyo. Kuba rero aba Bantu baramwibasiye kubera gushyigikira Inkotanyi byari mu mugambi wa Jenoside.

Icya kabiri bashinjaga Perefe ngo ni ivanguramoko rishingiye ngo kuba yarirukanye abakozi b’abahutu. Babyandika batya: “Ukimara kugabirwa Perefegitura ya Butare, Umuhutu wese yahise ahindurirwa akazi kandi agasimburwa n’Umututsi uturutse ahandi, atamenyereye akazi, atanafite ubushobozi bungana n’ubw’uwo asimbuye”. Bashoje bamwiyama muri aya magambo: “Tukaba twizera ko, Bwana Perefe, mu minsi iri imbere, dukurikije ubuhanga n’ubushobozi abaturage bagukekagaho, wakwisubiraho cyangwa ukavuga ku mugaragaro ko bikunaniye.”

Iri terabwoba ryakozwe n’abantu bari mu buyobozi bwa Perefegitura bagombaga kuba barafashije Perefe Habyarimana mu kazi ke ka buri munsi, ahubwo bagahitamo kumurwanya no kumushyiraho iterabwoba ni ibintu byari mu mugambi utihishiriye wo gutegura Jenoside. Abanditse iyo baruwa ni aba:

• Nyilinkwaya Zephanie, superefe kuri Perefegitura
• Halindintwali Céléstin, umugenzuzi w’amateme n’imihanda;
• Mutabaruka Bernard, umugenzuzi wungirije w’amateme n’imihanda;
• Ndahayo Naphtal, umukuru wa serivisi z’itumanaho muri Butare;
• Munyamagana Wilson, diregiteri wa CPDFP muri Butare;
• Uwimana Aloys, umuyobozi w’urubyiruko n’amashyirahamwe muri Butare;
• Habumugisha Michel, superefe wa superefegitura ya Nyabisindu;
• Ngiruwonsanga Vincent, bourgmestre wa Komini Nyabisindu;
• Simbalikure Assiel, superefe wa superefegitura Busoro ;
• Harelimana Rostal, utarashyizeho umurimo yakoraga.

Ikinyamakuru ISIBO No 83 cyo ku wa 9-16 Mutarama 1993 cya Sixbert Musangamfura, bizwi ko kitavugiraga Abatutsi, cyanditse ko abo bantu bose basinye iyo baruwa bashatse kuyisinyisha abakozi benshi ariko babatera utwatsi. ISIBO kandi yerekana ko abayisinye bari mu ishyaka rya MRND/CDR uretse NYILINKWAYA Zefaniya wari muri PSD kandi nawe izina rye aho rigaragariye ku basinye iyo baruwa, ishyaka rya PSD ryamenyesheje ko ryitandukanyije nawe. ISIBO yasobanuye ko icyo abo bantu bahoraga Perefe HABYARIMANA ari imikorere ye myiza yo kurwanya ruswa, akarengane n’irondabwoko n’akarere byakorwaga n’abo bakozi. Aho guhindura imyumvire n’imikorere, bahisemo kuba ariwe baharabika bamugerekaho ibyaha bakora bo ubwabo. Muri make, ISIBO yagaragaje imyitwarire idahwitse ya buri mukozi mu basinye ibaruwa yikoma Perefe HABYARIMANA. ISIBO yashoje inyandiko yayo igaragaza ko abo bakozi banditse ibyo binyoma nta kindi bari bagamije uretse kuzana amatiku mu karere karangwagamo ubwumvikane, igasaba ko bakurikiranirwa hafi kugira ngo batazanduza abandi bakozi. ISIBO yashoje ishima ishyaka rya PSD kuba ryaritandukanyije na superefe NYILINKWAYA rimubwira ko ibitekerezo bye atari ibya PSD.

14 Mutarama 1993 : MRND yemeje ko amashyaka y’intagondwa agomba guhabwa umwanya muri Guverinoma

Mu itangazo ubunyamabanga bukuru bwa MRND bwasohoye ryiswe: “ICYABABAJE MRND MU MISHYIKIRANO YA ARUSHA”, MRND yanditse ko izarwanya amasezerano y’amahoro igihe cyose intagondwa z’Abahutu zayarwanyaga zidahawe umwanya muri Guverinoma. MRND yabyanditse muri aya magambo: “Niba rero ayo masezerano agenewe kunga Abanyarwanda, Inkotanyi nizemere CDR. Ko zivuga ko ariwe mwanzi, nizemere PECO, PADER na PARERWA kuko zivuga ko ari inshuti z’umwanzi MRND. (…) Abavuye mu byabo NGULINZIRA ntabibuka. Ayo masezerano atibuka imbabare z’iwabo muri Butaro amariye iki Abanyarwanda?”.

15 Mutarama 1993, ubunyamabanga bukuru bwa MRND bwasohoye irindi tangazo bwise : “ UBURIGANYA MU MASEZERANO YA ARUSHA”. Muri iryo tangazo, MRND yongeye kwibasira Minisitiri NGULINZIRA ivuga ko icyo agamije nta kindi uretse gushyira u Rwanda mu maboko y’Inkotanyi. Ngo azaruhuka ari uko amaze kuziha igihugu cyose : “ Yumvise amashyaka atangiye aribwira ati : ibyo nasezeranyije Inkotanyi birancitse kambayeho. We na NSEGIYAREMYE Minisiteri bazitera imirwi. Ngiyo Minisiteri y’ubutegetsi bw’igihugu mu Nkotanyi! Amaze kuyitanga ariruhutsa ati : “Ubwo ntanze igihugu ndangije akazi. Ibyo ntibyari akazi ke : ni uburiganya. (…) Barwanashyaka ubwo buriganya tugomba kubwamagana. Minisitiri NGULINZIRA n’INKOTANYI ntibagomba kutuviraho inda imwe. NGULINZIRA yagurishije igihugu. NGULINZIRA ntiyagiye gushaka amahoro, yagiye gukora amasezerano y’intambara nshya. Arashakira iki kwicisha Abanyarwanda?”.

Icyo Minisitiri NGULINZIRA yaziraga, nuko atavanguraga amoko n’uturere nkuko MRND yabikoraga, ikaba ariyo mpamvu bamucyuriraga kuba yarakomokaga muri Komine Butaro mu RUHENGERI ariko ntiyite ku bahakomoka gusa ahubwo agaharanira ukuri n’inzira y’amahoro. Kuba yaremeraga ko INKOTANYI nabo ari abana b’u Rwanda bagomba guhabwa uburenganzira nk’Abanyarwanda nabyo byari icyaha gikomeye. Minisitiri NGULINZIRA yakomeje kwibasirwa cyane no gucibwa intege n’abayobozi ba MRND ku rwego rwo hejuru kugeza no kuri Perezida wa Repuburika, Yuvenali HABYARIMANA.

15 Mutarama 1993 : MRND nayo yikomye Perefe Dr HABYARIMANA Jean Baptiste

Ubuyobozi bwa MRND muri Perefegitura ya Butare bwandikiye Perefe HABYARIMANA ibaruwa imusebya kandi imubeshyera yakwirakwijwe mu binyamakuru. Impamvu y’iyo baruwa bavuze ko ari : “Impungenge ku mikorere yawe”. Yashyizweho umukono na Dr BUTARE Innocent yandika ko abikoze mu izina rya Perezida wa MRND muri iyo Perefegitura, Bwana RUGIRA Amandin. Muri iyo baruwa BUTARE Innocent yikomye Perefe HABYARIMANA amushinja ngo kuba afatirwa ibyemezo n’abayoboke b’ishyaka PL b’i Butare barimo Dr MUNYESHULI Vincent, NIYONIZEYE Gaetan, KURAWIGE Yohani Batista na NKULIKIYINKA Deo. Ntabwo iyo baruwa igaragaza impamvu nyakuri yatuma Perefe atavugana n’abo bagabo, bikaba byerekana ko abayanditse bari bagamije gusa kubuza Perefe kubonana no kuganira n’abo bahuriye mu ishyaka rimwe rya PL kandi itegeko rigenga amashyaka ritarabibuzaga.

Ikindi kirego kidafite ishingiro BUTARE Innocent yashinjaga Perefe HABYARIMANA ni ikirebana no kwimura abakozi b’abagenzacyaha (IPJ) bo muri Komini zimwe na zimwe zari zegereye umujyi wa Butare nka Shyanda, Mbazi, Huye, Ngoma, Ndora na Gishamvu. Ngo abo ba IPJ bose bari abo mu ishyaka rya PL bikaba bitarumvikanaga ukuntu byashoboka. Ahagaragara ikinyoma nuko guha akazi ba IPJ no kubimura bitari mu nshingano za Perefe. Abo bantu bari abakozi ba Minisiteri y’ubutabera bakaba bataragengwaga na Perefe mu birebana n’imihindagurikire y’akazi bari bashinzwe. Perefe yari umukuru wabo nk’umuyobozi wa Perefegitura ariko siwe winjiraga mu kumenya aba IPJ bagomba gushyirwa aha n’aha no kuhimurwa.

Iyo baruwa ya BUTARE Innocent isoza ivuga ko ibyo birego bashinja Perefe byerekana ko agamije kurwanya no gusenya MRND n’abayoboke bayo, akongeraho ko uko yagira kose atazabishobora. Mu by’ukuri, uyu mwanzuro urerekana ku buryo bweruye ko icyo iyo baruwa igamije kwari ukwerekana ko Perefe adashaka abantu batavuka I Butare kandi akaba arwanya MRND. Icyo bivuze ni ugukangurira abakozi bose bakora I Butare, ariko bavuka mu bindi bice by’u Rwanda, kwishyira hamwe bakarwanya Perefe HABYARIMANA n’ishyaka rye PL. BUTARE Innocent kandi arahamagarira ubumwe bwa Hutu Power, bikaba byari bijyanye no gushyigikira politiki yakorwaga na MRND/CDR yo gukwiza muri Butare abayobozi n’abakozi bo mu nzego zo hejuru bakomoka muri MRND/CDR biganjemo abo mu Ruhengeri na Gisenyi. Ibi ni nabyo Ikinyamakuru ISIBO cyavuzwe haruguru cyasobanuye.

15 Mutarama 1993: MDR yagaragaje ko Colonel Bagosora ayoboye ibikorwa by’ubwicanyi

Itangazo rya MDR ryo ku wa 15 Mutarama 1993 rivuga ko Koloneli BAGOSORA ariwe wari ku isonga ry’ibyo bikorwa by’urugomo n’ubwicanyi bwakorwaga n’Interahamwe. Ribivuga muri aya magambo: “Abanyakigali nabo babonye ko muri iyi minsi hadutse amabandi adasanzwe. Mu by’ukuri ni INTERAHAMWE n’aba CDR ba Koloneli BAGOSORA na Koloneli NSENGIYUMVA tutibagiwe na Koloneli SAGATWA na Major NKUNDIYE utegeka umutwe w’Abasilikare (GP) barinda Perezida. Amaze kubona ko ingabo z’igihugu cyane cyane abakuru ba jandarumori bakomeye ku ntego yabo yo kubahiriza umutekano, Koloneli BAGOSORA yatangiye uburiganya bwo gushaka uburyo abakuru ba jandarumori muri Kigali bahindagurwa, abandi bakicwa, ngo kugira ngo hashyirwe mu myanya abo bahuje umugambi w’abanyakazu. (…) Mu by’ukuri ibikorwa muri iki gihe by’akaduruvayo n’urugomo ni umugambi muremure wateguwe na Koloneli BAGOSORA na ka gatsiko bafatanyije kayobowe na Jenerali PEREZIDA HABYARIMANA, bagamije gukurura intambara mu gihugu hagati, kuburizamo amasezerano y’amahoro, guhirika Guverinoma iriho no koreka u Rwanda mu ntambara y’urudaca ishingiye ku moko no ku mashyaka. Koloneli BAGOSORA arateganya ko uwo mugambi uzasohozwa n’ikinamico rya Kudeta (coup d’Etat), IKINANI n’umuryango wacyo n’umutungo wacyo bagahungira mu mahanga, BAGOSORA na bagenzi be bakirara mubo bita IBYITSO n’ABAGAMBANYI (ni ukuvuga amashyaka atavuga rumwe na MRND) bakabatsembatsemba, bagahagarika inzira ya Demokarasi. Bateganyije kandi no gutikiza ba OFISIYE batari abo mu KAZU, ibyo byarangira BAGOSORA akicara ku ntebe y’ubutegetsi agatengamara, major NKUNDIYE amuri hafi. Uwo mugambi ngo ugomba kuba wasojwe mbere y’ukwezi kwa kane kw’uyu mwaka. Nyamara birumvikana ko umugambi nk’uyu nta kintu ushobora kumarira u Rwanda uretse kuruhindura nka SOMALIYA kuko ibibazo rufite bidashobora gukemurwa na KUDETA, dore ko ngo baba baratangiye no kwinjiza intwaro rwihishwa zo kubibafashamo.”

19 Mutarama 1993: Iyicwa ry’Abatutsi henshi mu gihugu

Ku itariki 10 Mutarama 1993, Arusha muri Tanzaniya haberaga imushyikirano y’amahoro hagati ya FPR-Inkotanyi na Guverinoma y’U Rwanda hashyizwe umukono ku gice cy’amasezerano cyagenaga uburyo bwo kugabana ubutegetsi. Ishyaka rya MRND ryahise ritegeka abayoboke baryo gukora imyigaragambyo yo kwamagana ibyemeranyijweho muri ayo masezerano, bikaba bigaragaza ko MRND itemeraga na buke amasezerano agamije kugarura amahoro mu Rwanda, igahitamo ubwicanyi nk’umuti w’ibibazo bya politiki. Imyigaragambyo yabaye myinshi mu mijyi minini kandi ikorerwamo urugomo rukomeye ku Batutsi n’abahutu bo mu mashyaka ataravugaga rumwe na MRND. Imyigaragambyo yakurikiwe n’ibikorwa byo kwica abatutsi ahantu hatandukanye cyane cyane mu Ruhengeri, Gisenyi, Byumba muri Komini Tumba, Kibuye muri Komini Rutsiro no muri Kigali Ngali i Bumbogo na Buliza. Ubu buryo bwo kwica abatutsi ahantu hatandukanye mu gihugu bwakoreshejwe kenshi na Leta ya Habyarimana kikaba nacyo ari ikimenyetso ndakuka cyerekana uburyo Jenoside yateguwe ikanshyirwa mu bikorwa. Ibi bikorwa by’urugomo no gutegura Jenoside byamaganywe icyo gihe n’Imiryango nyarwanda y’uburenganzira bwa muntu irimo PRO-FEMMES Twese Hamwe, CLADHO na CCOAIB.

12 Mutarama 1994: Raporo y’Ambasaderi w’Ubufransa mu Rwanda yerekanye ko u Rwanda rutegura Jenoside hakazicwa abarenga igihumbi (1000) ku isaha ya mbere

Ambasaderi w’Ubufransa mu Rwanda Jean Michel Marlaud yanditse Telegramu yoherereje Minisitiri w’ububanyi igaragaza uko ibintu byifashe mu Rwanda. Ambasaderi Marlaud yasobanuye ko yabonye amakuru y’ibanga ariko yizewe, anafite ibimenyetso bifatika, bigaragaza ko hari umugambi (gahunda) yo kwica abantu mu gihugu. Ambasaderi Marlaud yavuze ko uwo mugambi uzabanzirizwa no gushotora ingabo za FPR ziri i Kigali kugira ngo batume nazo zirwanaho, hanyuma ibe impamvu yo kwica Abatutsi, bahereye mu bo mu Mujyi wa Kigali. Ambasaderi akongeraho ko Ingabo z’u Rwanda zateguye icyo gikorwa ku buryo hari Interahamwe 1700 ziri mu Mujyi wa Kigali zahawe imyitozo n’intwaro kugira ngo zizice Abatutsi, kandi zikaba zifite ubushobozi bwo kwica byibura abantu igihumbi (1000) mu isaha imwe ubwicanyi butangijwe.

16 Mutarama 1994: Mitingi y’amashyaka ya Hutu power mu Mujyi wa Kigali yasabye kwirinda Abatutsi n’Ababiligi hanatangirwa intwaro zo kwica Abatutsi

Ku wa 16 Mutarama 1994, habaye mitingi yahuje abantu benshi bavuye mu Mujyi wa Kigali no mu nkengero zawo bo mu mashyaka ahuriye kuri Hutu power ibera kuri Stade régional i Nyamirambo. Muri iyo mitingi, Justin MUGENZI wari ukuriye igice cya Hutu power mu Ishyaka rya P.L. yafashe ijambo risaba kwirinda Abatutsi n’abasilikare b’Ababiligi bo muri MINUAR. Muri iyo Mitingi kandi hatangiwe intwaro nyinshi zahawe aba Power bose bo mu mashyaka ya MRND, CDR, MDR, PSD, PDC na PL. Iryo tangwa ry’intwaro ryari ryanemejwe ku itariki 15 Mutarama 1994 n’Ambasaderi w’Ububiligi wanditse ibarwa igenewe Minisitiri w’ububanyi n’amahanga w’Ububiligi imenyesha ko intwaro zikomeje guhabwa Interahamwe asaba ko MINUAR yagombye kwemererwa kuzifatira. Ibi ni nabyo General Dallaire wari ukuriye ingabo za MINUAR mu Rwanda yari yarandikiye Inama y’Umuryango w’Abibumbye Ishinzwe Amahoro ku Isi ku itariki 11 Mutarama 1994 asaba uburenganzira bwo kuzifata, ariko Koffi Annan wayoboraga serivisi zishinzwe MINUAR mu Rwanda yanga gutanga ubwo burenganzira.

By: Tom Ndahiro

As a survivor and witness of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda I have many nightmares. Some of the bad dreams and memories, are not from the time of genocide itself, but from several months later, after I had made a trip to the south west of Rwanda—to Kibeho where some of the most horrific acts of genocide were committed.

In early February 1995, I paid a visit to the camp of displaced persons in what was known as “Zone Turquoise”. This was in the south-western part of Rwanda, where in late June 1994, the government of France created a safe haven, to protect members of the beleaguered genocidal government, army and militia.

The particular place I visited is called Kibeho. An area, famous for having witnessed alleged apparitions of Virgin Mary, in the early 1980’s.  During the genocide there was another phantom of simulated “apparitions” with claims, on the waves of the national radio and Radio Television Libre des Milles Collines (RTLM) that the late Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana had been received in heaven by the Virgin Mary. This propaganda was meant to encourage killers on the Rwandan hills and streets that genocide had authorisation from heavenly powers. Kibeho, again, for those who do not know the place, is where thousands of Tutsis were burnt alive in the Catholic Church.

It is the image I caught sight of, at Kibeho, which still torments me.  The time was around ten o’clock in the morning. There was a man in the crowded camp; seated close to a woman whom I thought was his wife. A soot-coated saucepan was on three stones, boiling with what would be the family’s lunch, on that day. Under it, the fire flames were raising up mixed with white smoke. What was burning under the saucepan was not wood but human bones. It was an episode that struck me like a scene in contemporary hell.

The scene was another occurrence, extremely difficult to comprehend, and so it remains, a subject worthy of a reflection on human dignity. Less than a year after witnessing the genocide, the spectacle was a shock to me. Gazing—at a human being—using human bones—as firewood! Knowing these bones were from victims of the genocide was the most enigmatic side of this gloomy crime. The g-e-n-o-c-i-d-e.

Horror-stricken, I could not avoid staring at the man’s eyes and the blazing human bones. From him, I was searching for a human reaction, if he had any.  At least, I expected, he would try to conceal those bones from strangers like me. It was not the case. Without knowing that I was also a Rwandan, the man said: “barapfuye ariko ntibagomba gupfa ubusa.” Literally meaning, “Indeed, they died but they should not be wasted.” He said it in a loud and clear voice, as he pushed a scapular into the fire, closer to the already smouldering ribs.

His hateful but powerful words were not assuring any longer. It was not possible for me to keep on standing closer to this person, whom I could not identify today if I met him. With another gentleman, Polycalpe Gatete —who had seen what I saw, we immediately left at a complete loss.  It was beyond imagination, and understanding. It remains a mark in my catalogue of nightmares. The words I heard were repellent, and the message was unequivocal. I was close to the devil’s workshop.

It was somehow strange to me that he had retained the ability to make a better choice of words to express his malevolent mind, which produced a very bad effect on me. He made me believe that he was normal, because he knew exactly what he was doing. Consciously, he was making use of human bones as firewood!

Ba-rapfuye is a word that means, “They died” or “they are dead.”  Ba-rapfuye is a plural form of ya-rapfuye.  In Kinyarwanda language, the prefix –ba- is only applied to human beings. When you are referring to animals like cows, goats, or a buffalo, the plural form is “za-rapfuye”.

Even his choice of words was not so innocent. The expression “they died” or “they are dead” was not appropriate. It was a denial of the circumstances to which the people, whose bones were his fuel, had lost their lives. It would have been proper to say: “they were killed” or more appropriately “we killed them”. But here he was hiding the agent of the killing. The bones he was using, as fuel wood, did not belong to people who had died a natural death. There were bones belonging to the victims of genocide.

Under normal circumstances, he could not have access to the bones, since bodies would have been buried several feet under the earth’s surface or cremated. Altogether, the usage “they” was another indication that he knew the source of the bones. The bones were not from a single individual, but many.

I always wonder whether this was an ordinary man. Among many displaced persons I saw he is the only one I saw doing that. He wore a rosary around his neck, and the cross hanging on his chest—to make people believe he was a Christian. This scene made it more unbearable beyond plain words.  The cross is the sign of the Christian faith, which to believers, is an instrument of redemption. It is also the representation of grace, and the way to glory. The reality was absolutely different. Poor Christ associated with mass slaughterers!

Humans in an ideal situation, owe the dead a decent, honourable and just burial. Most cultures in the world speak of this. What this man in Kibeho did, is what happens when a human being or institution breaks down.  This can only occur, I think, where there is no productive safety net whatsoever—to ensure even a minimal level of descent respect and dignity to the living and the dead.

Much as it was exceedingly difficult to comprehend, it was also immensely discouraging.  This man was a Rwandan like me. He spoke in a language I understood as my mother tongue.  Yet I could not talk to him, to express my disapproval of his macabre acts, if possible provide prompt advice, and maybe help into changing his mind.

It was a disgusting image—one of desensitisation and of brutalisation. This was not the case, of where there was no firewood. Thus, bones remaining the only flammable material to cook his food. Had it been the case it would have been hunger and pragmatism, or what moralists would call “lesser evil”. Alas! There was wood everywhere, in a walking distance.

Why would this Kibeho man use the bones for firewood? As a way of insulting the memory of the people who were killed? Glory in his being alive and being able to make use of the bones of the dead human beings (like him) as firewood? What was going on in this particular man’s mind and situation? How was his conscience? Did he have a sense of pleasure and pain? Anyway, cooking using genocide victims’ bones was a very crude and dehumanising thing to do. It was a demonstration of the highest level of disrespect, to the dead— in his thoughts, words and actions.

On the other hand, this could be less horrifying than images of dying people, during the genocide. It can be absolutely unbearable, seeing Interahamwe militia who were raping, torturing and killing other human beings slowly and brutally. The bones feel no pain; the bones may have been found underground or in the mass grave. More difficult to comprehend is how some people could look through the eyes of other human beings and continue to inflict pain and horrible death.

Certainly, other intriguing interrogations come up. Did this man even remember that the bones he was burning to prepare his lunch once belonged to human beings, to men and women who had a body and brain like his? What made him make the choice of cooking his family’s food using the bones of genocide victims? Was this man maximising pleasure, to maybe, just make full use of the bones?  Or, he was trying to totally eliminate the living signs of the victims by changing the bones into ash, a form that is blown by wind or swept away by running water!

I keep on asking myself, had he participated in the massacres of Tutsis or not? If he did, was it not enough to let the bones alone to await burial? Were his wife, children, neighbours and friends who often saw him doing what I caught sight of, convinced that he did the right thing or not? Could there have been, at one time people who encouraged or discouraged him? For those who discouraged him, were they as shocked as I was that it happened? If they were shocked, what did they do to make sure he did not continue? If the man is still alive, do his children have a father to emulate? Do his neighbours who witnessed what I saw, still consider this man a rational being whose advice they can seek?

Here we are talking about a human being who is supposed to know and value the human life. But, it seems to me, this man was not much better than the dead, since he had lost the understanding of the other “spiritual” dimension of a human being. He no longer respected the sacredness of a human being, humanity and even, as a Christian—and a belief of life after death.

Sometimes, I tend to think he may have lost contact with humankind, since he no longer respected the nature of fellow human beings. It was a total loss of decency, a sort of moral and spiritual bankruptcy—and above all utter depravity. Could it be that he had completely lost his mind even though he did not act as a ‘mad’ man? For sure, I have no answer. I think psychologists would be in a better position to shed light on this.

One has to think about that particular scene in the overall context of what happened before seeing the man using human bones to cook. This was less than a year after the genocide—when a million people had been killed and when millions were being displaced, inside and outside the country. One therefore might start with the assumption that this man and his ilk are not in a normal psychological state of mind.

I think no other nation during the 20^th century suffered in terms of percentage whereby many amongst its population were directly affected, either as victims, as killers, as bystanders or as refugees. In 1995 the entire country of Rwanda had gone through a degree of trauma. Many Rwandans, in general, were suffering from trauma of the highest degree.

I believe there could have been other people doing the same in that camp. But, I suppose, there were not many of them because if there were, with thousands of people in that camp, no bones would be left around that Church of Kibeho.  I was obliged to interrogate the rationality and the irrational aspect of such behaviour, which is of extreme violence, with little success. Who can, in any case?

There are other questions that have preoccupied me whenever I think of this man. Although the macabre sight was in 1995, this man may still be alive, and a member of today’s Rwandan society.  A society with people including his wife and children who knew him before, during, and after the genocide – including the time when he was collecting and using human bones as firewood.

Trying to understand this man, I made two assumptions. One is if this man is a perpetrator, and two, if he was just an ordinary man who had been mobilized to run away from the Rwandan Patriotic Front, an organisation which decisively fought and defeated the genocidal machinery, to which the Kibeho man remained loyal.

Having carried out several killings earlier he had become incredibly desensitised. And at the same time he firmly believes and regards the people he killed were no different from insects, as cockroaches – or inhuman objects. Assuming this is the case, if he can easily kill the Tutsis whom he regarded as inhuman, then it was not hard for him to use their bones as firewood, because he does not really feel these are the bones of human beings—even though they might be the bones of someone who is a member of his family.

The phenomenon operating here is dehumanisation, where he does not see these body remains as the bones of a human being who deserves any kind of respect or dignity. This happened, because he is likely to have produced bones like that by killing people.

Consequently, using bones as firewood is consistent with the degree of cruelty, brutalisation and dehumanisation that he would have felt and incorporated into his mind and psyche as a perpetrator. He was not contented to see the remains of his victims. The bones represented living individuals. For that matter, he felt like, or was in the process of exterminating them, and destroying the evidence.

As a killer, there was so much death around him that it had become his life. Bones seemed, for him, like firewood, and no more than that. On the other hand the presence of the bones above the ground—was enough evidence of what happened. The g-e-n-o-c-i-d-e.  The evidence of the heinous crime had to be eliminated.

The second assumption is more problematic. Even if he was not a direct killer he may have absorbed and accepted the Hutu extremist ideology that the Tutsis are enemies, insects—and are not human. As a consequence, he would remember; if certain human beings are not fully human when they are alive, then who cares, or who should mind about their bones? Internally the Kibeho man asks himself, if their bones are available to use in cooking food, why not? What a profane act!

In our culture, and in many others, human dignity extends beyond life.  Human dignity is in contradiction to any utilitarian use of the dead. All what a person was, and is, can be affiliated with the body even if it is dead. That is why Rwandans talk about “abazimu” or spirits. For that reason, under normal circumstances, dead human bodies deserve venerable treatment. And this means: body parts should not be used for any other purpose, like burning them as fuel in preparing meals.

Ever since I left the place, in early 1995, I have been trying to understand what happened at that haunting scene in Kibeho. May be, a result of psychic numbing—when an individual, can’t feel, can’t sympathize, and can’t demonstrate emotions. Inside this person’s mind was kind of least common denominator of civility, and empathy with others is almost below zero.

Amongst genocidaires, an act of extermination is like rational pragmatism. Once you have decided to reduce people to less than human and then to destroy them, why not use their bodies in effective ways?

In trying to understand further what I experienced in Kibeho, I spoke to a friend of mine Professor Eric Markusen (R.I.P), co-author of ‘The Genocidal Mentality: Nazi Holocaust and Nuclear Threat’ who told me that this was not the first time a perpetrator or bystander had this degrading, dehumanising, pragmatic attitude to not just the people killed, but to remains of killed people. This was Rwanda in 1995, but it had happened elsewhere in Europe during the World War II. In Poland, in the 1940s, the Nazis did almost the same to Jews they killed. They used to cut hair of Jewish women in concentration camps, and ship it in huge bales back to Germany where they used it in lining clothes and mattress stuffing.

What did the Nazis do with the bones of the Jewish victims they took out of the crematorium? Markusen asked, and quickly said: “They (Nazis) forced other Jewish inmates to pulverize the bones into powder and they took that powder which is rich in potassium and then used it as fertiliser on fields where they had other inmates working as slave-labourers. So there is sort of a desire or pragmatic mentality that these European perpetrators had.”

Markusen gives another example of a wife of a commandant of the Nazi concentration camp who suggests having one of the prisoners killed and skinned. In the mind of this Nazi, was done for a very simple reason. The victim’s skin with tattoos would eventually be used to make book covers or lampshades.

It is very disturbing, yet very interesting and important to take note of.  The attitude could characterize people in Europe in 1940’s and also expressed in the hills of Rwanda in 1990’s. And what does this tell us about human nature? After the Holocaust, the world made a commitment of a “Never Again”, for Rwanda in 1994 was “Once Again”.

In either case the psychological principle of the dehumanisation of the victims and the desensitisation of the perpetrators helps one to understand how that could happen. The words applied by the man who used human bones as fuel wood, were profoundly cruel. It was a continuation of brutality in the process of extermination. He still saw the usefulness of the bones he considered to be the symbol of living Tutsis—the declared enemies to be annihilated.

A crime of genocide is a process. The late president of Rwanda, Juvenal Habyarimana and the media had for long, condemned the Tutsis.  Strong metaphors like referring to Tutsis as cockroaches and snakes had destroyed their humanity and dignity, as the targeted group.  On 31 December 1990, president Habyarimana, addressed the nation in which he said the Inyenzi (cockroaches), are “characterised by their murderous nature and all malevolence one can imagine” (ba nyamurangwa n’ubwicanyi n’ibibi byose bibaho). By inyenzi he meant Tutsis. This is a president who was uttering words which were a sum-total of hatred, animosity and dehumanisation.

The president’s incitement to hate Tutsis was to be replicated in the national radio and reinforced in several publications. An article in one of those publications Kangura – Issue No. 6 of December 1990, came up with a Decalogue of hate called the 10 Hutu Commandments.

And these were not the first Hutu Commandments. The first were by Joseph Habyarimana Gitera, published in September 1959. In those odious decrees, Gitera suggested banishing Tutsis because “cohabiting” with them was like “…an incurable wound, a leech in the body and a stomach cancer or pneumonia.”

Kangura’s 8^th Hutu commandment is: “The Bahutu must stop having pity on the Batutsi.” The 10^th commandment concludes telling every Hutu that he/she “must spread this ideology widely. Any Muhutu who persecutes his brother Muhutu for having read, spread and taught this ideology is a traitor.”

The above commandments, especially the 8^th, were meant to generate caustic collective behaviour or actions and extreme forms of psychic numbing—whereby Hutus would not feel the pain of the genocide victims.  In the eyes of the Kibeho man, bones were still a symbol of a breathing Tutsi to be destroyed between the three stones which held his saucepan. He felt was not a traitor, and a false sense of patriotism as had been shaped by genocidal propaganda.

The ten Hutu commandments, of Gitera and Kangura, were all about manipulated religious convictions. It was the re-interpretation of the basis of a certain belief, so to speak, of the people—in order to overcome their reluctance by re-cycling the basic Biblical commandments. They were theories created by learned ideologues to reinforce the convictions of politicians and to lure ordinary Christian citizens, into the project of exterminating a people.

Important phase in the process extermination is dehumanisation. One good example of systematic verbal dehumanisation is in Kangura, issue No. 40, in February 1993. The author talked about the Tutsi as snakes ‘whose venom is extremely poisonous’, malicious, wicked …etc.

Words are powerful. When someone uses a word “snake” in reference to a people, it is such an authoritative metaphor to raise terror and alarm. Snakes are frightening reptiles. When you call some people serpents, including the Rwanda-Christian culture people know what to do with snakes, which simply represent evil. So much that, given chance you have to kill them.

The human mind is capable of creating and harbouring very strong and also subtle tricks in defence mechanisms. Like dissociation and denial. This happens when portions of mind are separated from the whole thus losing connection between ones identity, thoughts and even memory. It makes me think that perhaps in the mind of this man who made use of human bones to cook his family’s meal, simply did not recognize that those bones were once parts of a human being like him.

Even if this man in Kibeho was too lazy to walk some distance and get firewood—maybe, in his mind he was not able to forget that these bones had humanity as their source.  As they were burning he made no such connection. He was simply thinking or looking at them as burning objects.

The only animal, which is intelligent and knows it will someday die, is Man. Emile Dukheim, a famous French sociologist—rightly suggests that people created religions for fear of mortality. Religions provide people with concepts that assure them that after the death of their bodies, the spirits will continue. It is the source of our suppression to think about our mortality.

Rwandans in particular, with the influence of the Christian Churches, some years before the genocide had developed a profound fear of death. This is evident in the common usage of the contemporary Ki-nyarwanda language. Many Rwandans, rarely mention a word gu-pfa (to die) or gu-hamba (to bury).  Instead, they have respectively adopted kwitaba Imana, which literally means accepting God’s call—or sort of religious vocation—and gushyingura, which literally stands for keeping in a safer place or archiving. These are very serious linguistic distortions, justified because of fear of death—which is certainly inescapable.

These ‘linguistic distortions’ are not only in Kinyarwanda. Even in English ‘passing away’ and ‘passing on’ are euphemisms for death, with connotations of some hope of life after death. Even pre-Christian Rwandans believed in ‘abazimu’ equivalent to saints— implying some kind of life after death and relation between the dead and the living.

The only time Rwandans and English speakers and writers don’t use euphemism for fear of death is when they recite the death of Jesus Christ, in Apostles’ Creed. They can’t avoid saying:  “He suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, died, and was buried.”

There is another element too. Some people have suggested, and they may be right, that killers derive a psychological thrill or even a sense of power when they kill. Killing other people becomes some sort of triumph over death in a psychological sense, and conquering death by killing someone else—the killer acquires the sensation of power.

Can it be conceivable that this Kibeho man, who used human bones as firewood, also expressed fear of death?  Maybe, with a cross on his chest, was in the process of conquering death to scare the imaginary cause of death like the fear of Dracula!

Much as questions multiply—the whys and how(s)—it is important to remember that Rwanda has been predominantly Christian, at least based on available quantitative statistics. It is a country whose past has been influenced by the church, in the good and the evil.  To understand what happened in Rwanda that has to be borne in mind. The perpetrators felt they were good Christians who were doing a service to the nation.

I have no doubt this man, and other Rwandans were products of a society with a firmly perverted mentality. The hatred, which was taught publicly by politicians and unethical journalists through the media, was the driving motive that led to genocide and the eventual wish to make the final utility of human remains by people like the man I saw in Kibeho.

No ordinary person can do what this man did, to the bones of a person you love or respect unless there is a super-motivation. The only people doing the same are genocide deniers—they don’t burn bones, but set genocide memories ablaze.

Those bones still burn in my mind, and as long as they do, my bad memories of the genocide will be there to tell to the world. It is my duty and the duty of others like me to tell it in the hopes that one-day, when the world says ‘Never again’—will really mean what it says and means.

Na: Tom Ndahiro

Iyo ushaka kumenya ahari ukuri guhishwa, umva ubwinshi bw’ibinyoma bivugwa ku kintu kimwe. Ibi nibyo biri ku rupfu rwa Perezida Juvenal Habyarimana.  Niba hari uzi kandi ukwiye kubazwa urwo rupfu ni umugore we n’abana (wenda batari bose) n’abasirikare bakuru b’u Rwanda rw’icyo gihe.

Ku itariki ya 6 Mata 2019, imwe mu maradiyo akorera kuri murandasi yagiranye ikiganiro n’umwe mu bana bato ba Perezida Habyarimana witwa Jean Luc Habyarimana. Muri icyo kiganiro, uwo muhungu yatangaje, ko ku itariki ya 3 Mata 1994, iwabo ku Gisenyi (ntasobanura niba ari iyo mu Gasiza cyangwa iyo hafi ya Brarirwa) bakiriye ubutumwa budasanzwe buzanywe na Jacques Roger Booh-Booh wari n’intumwa yihariye y’Umunyamabanga Mukuru w’Umuryango w’Abibumbye mu Rwanda (LONI).

Jean Luc ngo yiyumviye Booh-Booh abwira se ko aje amuzaniye ubutumwa buvuye ku Mugaba w’Ingabo z’Inkotanyi, Paul Kagame. Ngo: “Uzambwirire Perezida Habyarimana ko nzamwica”. Uwabazaga, Serge Ndayizeye, yagaragaje ko ari bwo bwa mbere ibyo bintu bivuzwe, nyuma y’imyaka 25. Ariko si byo.

Iby’ubwo butumwa budasanzwe, Agatha Kanziga, umugore wa Habyarimana akaba na nyina wa Jean Luc, yari yarabibwiye ikinyamakuru Jeune Afrique, bisohoka muri No 1738-1739 yo ku wa 28 Mata-15 Gicurasi 1994. Kanziga yavuze ko bari batumiye Jacques Roger Booh-Booh ngo basangire pasika yabaye kuri iyo tariki ya 3 Mata. Kanziga akavuga ko iyo ntumwa yihariye yasubiriyemo umugabo we inshuro eshatu ko yatumwe na Kagame ko azamwica akoresheje uburyo ubwo ari bwo bwose.

Iby’ubwo butumwa bwitwa ko bwatanzwe n’intumwa yihariye y’Umunyamabanga mukuru wa Loni wari wahindutse iy’Umugaba w’Inkotanyi yabisubiriyemo Jean Kambanda bahuriye i Nairobi-Kenya mu w’ 1995 anabyandika mu gitabo cye ‘Rwanda face à l’Apocalypse du 1994’ bisobanura u Rwanda mu Mperuka y’1994.

Mbere y’uko bisubirwamo na Jean Luc, byari byaranditswe n’inyandiko ndende y’ingabo z’u Rwanda zatsinzwe (FAR) yiswe “Contribution des FAR à la recherche de la vérité sur le drame rwandais – La guerre d’octobre 1990 et la catastrophe d’avril 1994” Bishaka kuvuga ko batangaga umusanzu wo kumenya ukuri ku byabaye mu Rwanda n’ibyago byo muri Mata 1994. Byananditswe mu nyandiko ya FDLR bise ‘Drame Rwandais’ yo mu mwaka w’2001. Iby’ubwo butumwa bwo kuri Pasika iminsi itatu mbere byaje gusubirwamo na Col. Aloys Ntiwiragabo mu nyandiko ebyiri zitandukanye ariko zuzuzanya mu mwaka w’2015.[1] Hari n’indi ya Ntiwiragabo yanditse nyuma asobanura iby’iryo yicwa rya Habyarimana n’ko bari babizi.[2]

Muri iyo Nyandiko ya ex-FAR, iy’umwimerere mu rurimi rw’igifaransa (ifite impapuro 134 za A4), iby’iyo tariki ya 3 Mata si bike. Uwo munsi nibwo radio RTLM yatangaje ko hagiye kuba akantu uhereye ku ya 4 Mata 1994 ariko bagasimbuka iya 6 Mata bakajya ku ya 7 n’iya 8 z’uko kwezi ho bavuze ko hazaba imirwano. Icyo cyiswe “akantu” byaje kugaragara ko ari ukwicwa kwa Habyarimana n’abo bari kumwe.

Ari inyandiko ya FAR yo mu Ukuboza 1995 n’iza Col. Ntiwiragabo zo mu 2015, zombi zivuga ko kuri iyo itariki ya 3 Mata, hari  Liyetona Hebron w’Umubiligi wari mu ngabo za Loni mu Rwanda (MINUAR) wavugiye mu kabari ko Perezida Habyarimana azicwa.

Ko ku itariki ya 21 Ugushyingo 1993 babonye amakuru y’ubutasi agaragaza ko hari agaco k’Inkotanyi kari kacengeye muri Kigali gafite umugambi wo gushimuta no kwica perezida Habyarimana. Undi mugambi bamenye ni uwo kwica Habyarimana umunsi arahira hanyuma ukaburizwamo n’Abajepe babaye maso.

Ngo kuri 29 Mutarama 1994 Inkotanyi zari ziyemeje kwica cyangwa gufata mpiri Habyarimana bamukuye mu biro bye cyangwa mu rugo rwe i Kanombe. Ngo hari hashize icyumweru, ni ukuvuga kuri 22 Mutarama, Umugaba w’Inkotanyi yandikiwe n’uwitwa Zubere ko kugirango kwicwa Habyarimana bishoboke ari uko haboneka abasirikare 100 muri Kigali bambara gisiviri.

Ku munsi w’iya 25 Gashyantare bari bamenye umugambi wo kuzana imvururu zishingiye ku moko bikozwe na Faustin Twagiramungu wari warateganyijwe kuzaba Minisitiri w’Intebe muri guverinoma y’inzibacyuho yaguye. Ibyo akabikora abikorera FPR-Inkotanyi.

Amakuru yandi y’ubutasi yemeza umugambi wo kwica Habyarimana bikozwe n’Inkotanyi, yabonetse ku itariki ya 26 Gashyantare 1994 nyuma y’impfu za Minisitiri Felicien Gatabazi, wari n’Umunyamabanga Mukuru w’Ishyaka PSD ndetse na Martin Bucyana wari Perezida wa CDR. Muri ubwo butasi ngo bamenye ko Inkotanyi zitashimishijwe no kudasubiranamo kw’abaturage ngo hemezwa gukomeza umugambi wo kwica Habyarimana nk’uburyo bwo kurakaza Abahutu.

Iby’ubutegetsi kumenya amakuru yakabaye yizewe k’urupfu rw’umukuru w’igihugu ntabwo yari ayo babwirwaga n’ubonetse wese. Muri za nyandiko cyane cyane iza Col. Ntiwiragabo, wari ushinzwe ubutasi muri FAR, yemeza ko ku itariki ya 19 Werurwe 1994 ari i Ngondore mu nama yahuje Ingabo za Leta (FAR) n’inkotanyi yamenewe irindi banga ryo kwicwa kwa Habyarimana.

Banemeza ko Col. Ntiwiragabo yihereranywe n’abasirikare bakuru mu Nkotanyi ari bo Colonel Stanislas Biseruka na Lieutenant Colonel Caesar Kayizari (ubu ni Liyetona Jenerali) bamubwira ko Perezida Habyarimana agomba kwicwa kuko yari imbogamizi ibuza Inkotanyi kugera ku butegetsi. Ngo banamubwiye ko inzitizi yari ukubura ibyitso muri FAR.

Umunsi umwe mbere, ku ya 2 Mata, ex-FAR banditse ko bari bafite amakuru yemewe y’ubutasi ko Inkotanyi zifite umugambi wo kwica abaturage, ba ofisiye b’Abasirikare by’umwihariko Umugaba wa FAR hakanicwa abayobozi b’amashyaka ashamikiye kuri MRND. Ibyo bitero ngo byagombaga kubera rimwe kandi bikaba hagati y’itariki 3-9 Mata.

Igwingira rigaragara

Iyo tuvuze igwingira ubibona muri ibi bandika. Perezida Paul Kagame azwi nk’umuntu ushyira mu gaciro, n’umuntu uzi kurema no guhamya ingamba (strategist). Akaba atari umuntu uhubuka. Gutekereza ko yaba afite umugambi ukomeye nk’uwo bamutwerera, akawushyira hanze bigera n’aho atuma umuntu ukomeye muri Loni?

Nyuma y’imyaka 26, hari abatazi Jacques Roger Booh-Booh n’icyo yari ashinzwe. Nk’Intumwa yihariye ya SG wa Loni, Booh-Booh ni nawe wari ushinzwe mu rwego rwa Politiki ingabo za MINUAR harimo na Jenerali Romeo Dallaire. Waba uri muntu ki ugatuma ushinzwe kubahiriza amahoro anahagarariye Loni mu Rwanda, umwereka ko ufite umugambi wo kuburizamo ayo mahoro?

Iyo biba byo, ntabwo Booh-Booh yari guceceka keretse iyo aba na we ari icyitso cy’Inkotanyi. Ntabwo Booh-Booh yari kubona amakuru nk’ayo (mbere y’urupfu) ngo areke kuyashyira muri raporo zo batangaga buri munsi i New York. Ntabwo bishoboka ko Habyarimana yari gupfa uhagarariye Loni yarabibwiwe mbere, ngo areke kugira icyo abivugaho. Kugeza ubu, ayo makuru ari kwa Kanziga n’umuhungu we Jean Luc no mu nyandiko za ex-FAR. Nta n’undi ubyemera uretse abo bafatanyije umugambi wa Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi. Ari n’abatagira isoni nka Judi Rever na Padiri Serge Desouter ntawigeze ashaka kugira icyo abivugaho n’ubwo ari amakuru atari ibanga.

Nari i Kigali mu Rwanda ba Perezida Habyarimana na Cyprien Ntaryamira bahanurwa mu ndege. Nta na rimwe muri Radiyo Rwanda cyangwa RTLM bigeze bavuga kubyo ushinzwe ubutasi mu ngabo za FAR yabwiwe n’Abasirikare bakuru b’Inkotanyi.

Kuva ku itariki ya 19 Werurwe kugera ku ya 3 Mata harimo igihe kirenga ibyumweru bibiri. Nta buryo atari kuba yarabibwiye Habyarimana na Kanziga kugeza ubwo Booh-Booh atanga ubutumwa ku mukuru w’Igihugu mu munsi mukuru yatumiwemo. Agatha Kanziga yivugiye ko ari umuryango we bari bamutumiye mu Gasiza.

Nongere mbanze nti, utagera ntagereranya? Uwatanze amakuru y’ubutasi ko Inkotanyi zishobora gushimuta cyangwa gufata mpiri Perezida w’Igihugu yumvaga ari ibintu bishoboka? Niba yarumvaga ari ibintu bishoboka, Habyarimana yari ariho atari ho. Ntabwo umutekano wa Perezida waba ukwiriye ngo habeho gutekereza ko yafatwa nk’undi wese.

Ibi byose iyo ubitekereje, wumva impamvu bashoboraga kwandika mu kinyamakuru cyabo Kangura, baha Umukuru w’Igihugu igihe agomba kuzicwa. Yagombaga gupfa muri Werurwe 1994, yicwa muri Mata uwo mwaka. Binasobanura impamvu nyuma y’iminsi ibiri n’igice gusa arashwe umuryango we urimo umugore n’abana bahambiriye utwangushye bakigendera basize umurambo we aho.

Mu guhisha no guhishira abishe Habyarimana, bayobozi ba FAR (1995) bemeza ko FPR-Inkotanyi yafashijwe n’abasirikare b’Ababiligi bari muri MINUAR, bakanashinja Tanzania na Uganda kuba ari bo batumye yaragarutse bwije akicwa saa mbili n’igice (20h30) z’ijoro. Ibyo ni ah’ubutaha!

Biracyaza…

Kuri Twitter @TomNdahiro

[1] Izo Nyandiko za Ntiwiragabo ni:  Le Drame Rwandais: Le non-dit cache a l’opinion mauvaise foi et strategie du pire qui caracterisent le Front Patriotique Rwandais yo ku wa 23/7/2015 na Génocide controversé Bilans contradictoires yo ku itariki 16/12/2015

[2] Rwanda- Attentat du 6 avril 1994- A quand la Clôture de l’Enquête yo ku wa 5/07/2016

Na: Tom Ndahiro

Ndahamya ko ibinyoma byagiye bivugwa ku iyicwa rya Habyarimana, ari ho ha mbere hakurangira uwamwishe. Ibinyoma byakwijwe n’abasirikare bakuru bo mu ngabo zatsinzwe barimo na Jenerali Gratien Kabiligi. Ku itariki ya 8/9/1995, Umubiligi witwa Filip Reyntjens, yandikiye Gratien Kabiligi amusaba amakuru ku iyicwa rya Perezida Juvenal Habyarimana, cyane cyane ku bivugwa kuri FPR-Inkotanyi.

Mu gisubizo cya Kabiligi cyo ku itariki ya 12/9/1995, yumvishije Reyntjens ko abishe Habyarimana nta kabuza ari Inkotanyi, kandi ibigisasu cyarashe iyo ndege cyarasiwe kuri CND, aha inteko ishinga amategeko ikorera. Iki gisubizo, umuntu ashobora kwibaza niba cyari icy’umusirikare usanzwe. Guhera ku itariki ya 17/4/1994, Jenerali Kabiligi niwe wari wungirije umugaba mukuru w’ingabo za Leta. Niba umuntu ashobora kubeshya atyo, icyo atabeshyera FPR, ni iki? Uyu Reyntjens, n’ubwo atigeze akoresha inyandiko ya Kabiligi, nawe imyemerere ye ni nk’iy’abajenosideri ko Inkotanyi ari zo zishe Habyarimana bigatera jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi.

Abashinjwa kuba Nyirabayazana

Mu nyandiko iheruka, nashoje ndarikira abasomyi kuzabagezaho icyo abashobora kuba ari bo bishe Juvenal Habyarimana—banditse bayobya uburari. Kimwe muri ibyo ni aho basobanura igituma yaratashye ijoro n’ubugambanyi bw’Abakuru b’Ibihugu duturanye. Mu byo badasobanura n’icyo baheraho bavuga ko yari yanzwe.

Mu nyandiko  ya FAR yo mu Ukuboza 1995, abashinjwa kugira uruhare mu itegurwa n’ishyirwa mu bikorwa by’umugambi wo “kwica Perezida Habyarimana no gukorera Jenoside Abahutu” guhera mu 1990 ni: Perezida Yoweri Kaguta Museveni wa Uganda n’Ingabo za NRA; Bill Clinton wahoze ari Perezida wa Leta Zunze Ubumwe za Amerika na Leta ye; Perezida Ali Hassan Mwinyi wahoze ayobora Tanzania; Madamu Linda Chalker wari Minisitiri mu Bwongereza; bamwe (batavugwa) mu bategetsi b’Ububiligi na Perezida Petero Buyoya w’u Burundi n’ingabo ze. Abandi bashinjwa na FAR ni General Romeo Dallaire wayoboraga ingabo za MINUAR na Colonel Luc Marchal wayoboraga ingabo z’Ababiligi.

Ibiregwa Mwinyi na Museveni

Muri iyo nyandiko ya FAR (1995) kimwe n’iya FDLR (2001) nahisemo kwerekana ubugambanyi buregwa ba Perezida Mwinyi, Museveni, Ababiligi na Jenerali Romeo Dallaire. Aba bose, ku bajenosideri bari ibyitso by’Inkotanyi bari mu mugambi umwe.

Inyandiko za FAR na FDLR ntizica iruhande. Iya ex-FAR ivuga ko ubugambanyi bwa Perezida, Mwinyi na Leta ye ya Tanzania bugaragara. Ahanini berekana ko bari mu mugambi wo gutuma Perezida Habyarimana ataha bwije. Nk’ikimenyetso cy’ubugambanyi bavuga ko ibaruwa ya mbere itumira inama yerekanaga ko abakuru b’ibihugu bagombaga guhurira Arusha. Gusa, ngo inama yaje kubera ahatari hateganyijwe mbere, bikaba byarahindutse iminsi ibiri mbere y’uko iba kandi ngo byabaye nta bisobanuro bitanzwe. Kuri bo ngo Arusha hari hafi ya Kigali na Bujumbura kurusha Dar es Salaam inama yari yimuriwe.  Ex-FAR bakibaza bati: “Ibyo ntibyari mu mugambi wo kworoshya operasiyo hongerwa uburebure bw’urugendo?”

Icya kabiri barega Perezida Mwinyi na Leta ye ni ugukerereza nkana inyandiko y’amasezerano yari yakozwe mu rurimi rw’igifaransa, ku buryo ngo byabaye ngombwa ko bayisinyira ku kibuga cy’indege bituma bagenda ijoro. Ibyo ngo Habyarimana yabonaga bibangamiye umutekano we bituma ashaka kurara muri Tanzania ikitagaranya.

Inyandiko ya FDLR yo mu 2001 ishimangira ibi ivuga ko Habyarimana yagaragarije mugenzi we Perezida Mwinyi impungenge ku mutekano we, kugera n’aho yamusabye kumwemerera akarara i Dar es Salaam ariko ngo Perezida Mwinyi aranga kuko abashinzwe protocole batari babyiteguye; gusa n’ubwo FDLR yanditse ibi, ntaho umugore wa Habyarimana Agatha Kanziga we n’umuhungu we Jean Luc Habyarimana barabivuga kugeza n’ubu.

Ibindi barega Tanzania nk’ubugambanyi ngo ni ukuba Perezida Mwinyi na Leta ye baranze kwohereza ubutumwa bw’akababaro Rwanda Perezida wabo amaze kugwa mu ndege. Banashinja iyo Leta kuba yarabaye iya mbere kwemera ubutegetsi bwa FPR-Inkotanyi. Ukuri kwabyo nibo bakuzi njyewe sinakubeshya.

Ikindi cyavuzwe na Jean Kambanda, nshingiye ku mbanziriza-mushinga w’igitabo cye nakomojeho ubushize, ni uko ngo Habyarimana yari yaburiwe ko ashobora kwicwa. Ibyo byari byakozwe na Perezida Mobutu SeseSeko wa Zaire, ndetse n’umuntu ukomeye muri Perezidansi y’Ubufaransa.[1] Muri iyo nyandiko Kambanda yafatanywe i Nairobi igaragaza ko yari yayandikiye n’ijambo ry’ibanze ku itariki ya 29 Gicurasi 1997.

Ubugambanyi barega Perezida Yoweri Museveni bugira aho buhurira n’ibyo barega Perezida Ally Hassan Mwinyi, ni ugukerereza Ikinani Habyarimana ngo atahe ijoro. Bavuga ko Museveni yakererewe kugera aho inama yabereye i Dar es Salaam, akahagera amasaha abiri n’igice, nyuma y’igihe cyateganyijwe, bikaba byaragize ingaruka ku gihe inama irangirira.

Uretse gukererwa, ngo Perezida Museveni yakererezaga n’inama nkana kuko ngo ngo yifataga mu gihe cy’inama agatera urwenya ubundi akanyuzamo akisinziriza, yakanguka agasaba ko bongera gutangira bushya, mbese ngo yishakiraga ko inama iza kurangira bwije.

Uretse ibyo gukerereza inama kimwe na Perezida Mwinyi, ngo ku itariki 10 Mata 1994, hari uwo Perezida Museveni yabwiye ko “igihe cyo gukemura ikibazo cyari kigeze.” Uwaganiriye na Museveni ntavugwa muri iyi nyandiko ya Ex-FAR.

Ibirego ku Babiligi na Dallaire

Barega Gen. Dallaire na Col. Marchal ko iminsi ibiri mbere y’uko Habyarimana araswa babajije umwe muri ba Ofisiye b’u Rwanda ngo ni nde wasimbura Habyarimana mu gihe agize impanuka agapfa. Banarega kandi MINUAR kuba itararinze umutekano w’Ikibuga cy’Indege bigatuma Umukuru w’Igihugu yicwa.

Leta y’abajenosideri gushinja Ababiligi urupfu rwa Habyarimana ntabwo byakozwe nyuma ya Jenoside. Itangazo rya Minisiteri y’Ububanyi n’Amahanga ya guverinoma ya Kambanda na Sindikubwabo ryo ku wa 15 Mata 1994 risobanura “Amakuba u Rwanda rwahuye nayo” wumva mu mvugo iziga bashinja Ababiligi.

Ku itariki ya 20 Mata 1994, uwari uhagarariye u Rwanda muri Zaire, Ambasaderi Etienne Sengegera yagiranye ikiganiro kirambuye na radiyo “Voix du Zaire”. Muri icyo kiganiro yatinze asobanura ko bazi neza ko ari Ababiligi bishe Perezida Habyarimana. Avuga ko leta ahagarariye ifite ibimenyetso bifatika bituma abyemeza.

Dr. Augustin Ngirabatware wari Minisitiri w’Igenamigambi w’iyo guverinoma y’abajenosideri yagiranye ikiganiro na Radio Africa No 1. ku itariki 27 Mata 1994, muri icyo kiganiro Ngirabatware yashimangiye ko bari bazi neza ko Ingabo za FPR zitari zifite za Missile SAM 7.

Ex-FAR kandi irega abasirikare b’Ababiligi bari muri MINUAR ko ku itariki ya 6 Mata 1994 bakoresheje ibirori muri Hotel Merdien byagera saa yine z’ijoro bagatangira kunywa shampanye (Champagne), ndetse ngo abo basirikare babwiye abakobwa b’inshuti zabo kuva mu ngo zabo n’imiryango yabo bakimukira muri iyo hoteli.

Hari n’ikinyamakuru cya Hutu-Pawa (Inquisiteur Republicain, No. 003195 cyo muri Nzeri 1995) cyanditse ko mbere y’uko indege ya Habyarimana iraswa hari indege za MINUAR zazengurutse cyane hejuru y’i Masaka.

Ubundi bugambanyi barega MINUAR ni uko ngo igihe gito mbere y’uko indege ya Habyarimana iraswa, MINUAR yatanze itegeko ry’uko indege zigwa n’izihaguruka bikorwa mu burasirazuba bw’ikibuga cy’indege (nk’uko bigenda ubu). Ngo babihinduye kugira ngo indege ya Habyarimana itabacika.

Ku munsi indege ya Habyarimana iraswa, FAR ivuga ko yabonye amakuru y’abatangabuhamya bizewe bababwira ko babonye imodoka y’ijipe y’Abasirikare b’Ababiligi bari muri MINUAR yagenze i Masaka inshuro nyinshi. Iyo modoka ngo yarimo abasirikare babiri, yacaracaye hagati y’Umujyi wa Kabuga n’ikiraro gito kiri kuri Cumi n’icyenda. Ngo aho kuri Cumi n’icyenda bahahagaze inshuro eshatu.

Mu yandi makuru yizewe ngo babonye, ba basirikare babiri baraje bahagarara kuri Cumi n’icyenda saa mbiri n’igice (20h30). Ngo “nyuma y’iminota ibiri cyangwa itatu, bumvise ikintu giturikiye ku gasozi ka Masaka (Rusheshe). Nyuma y’indi minota ibiri cyangwa itatu, hamanutse amajipi abiri  yiruka cyane, ava i Rusheshe agana mu Mujyi wa Kigali atwawe n’Ababiligi.”

Andi makuru yizewe bavuga ko babonye ni ayo FAR bamenye ko abasirikare b’Ababiligi bahanyuze bari bamaze iminsi batata ako gace. Bemeza ko nta wundi bashinja ihanurwa ry’indege ya Habyarimana uretse Ababiligi kubera ko nyuma y’urupfu rwa Habyarimana nta yindi modoka yagarutse muri ako gace.

Bati: “Nta gushidikanya ko ari Ababiligi barashe indege ya Perezida…” kuko abatuye ako gace, “uwo mugoroba babonye abasirikare b’Ababiligi bagerageza ibitwaro bihambaye.” Ikindi ngo cyabemeje ko ari abo Babiligi ngo ni uko “ubundi bagendanaga n’Abajandarume b’Abanyarwanda, uwo mugoroba bakaba bari bonyine.” Ikindi cyababwiye ko bari Ababiligi ni uko ngo ari bo bonyine mu bazungu ba MINUAR bavugaga Igifaransa.

Hari n’uwatanze amakuru ko mbere y’uko indege ya Perezida iraswa ababiligi batandatu bazengurukaga muri ako gace guhera saa kumi n’ebyiri z’umugoroba bahagurutse bagana i Kigali kandi ko bya bitwaro babonye (bashingiye ku byo babonye mu bitabo) ari “ibirasa za missile”

Hari kandi n’amakuru y’ubutasi bavuga ko babonye ku wa 14 Gashyantare 1994, aho Ofisiye w’Umubiligi yabwiye mugenzi we muri FAR ko Inkotanyi ziri i Kigali muri CND zifite intwaro nyinsi zirimo na missile yo mu bwoko bwa SAM 7.

Umwanzuro

Niba hari ugushakisha amakuru y’iyicwa rya Perezida Habyarimana, inzira yonyine ni ukwegeranya ibyavuzwe na Komisiyo Mutsinzi ukabihuza n’ibyo ex-FAR n’amashumi yabo bavuga cyangwa bandika. Ubugambanyi babuvuga ku bandi, umugambi bakawushyira kuri FPR n’abo bita inshuti zabo. Icyo badasubiza ni icyo Habyarimana yatinyaga bikagera n’aho asaba kurara i Dar es Salaam igitaraganya. Ukoze iperereza ntusesengure ibinyoma biba mu bajenosideri n’imiryango irimo uwa Habyarimana, uba wahushije. Niko abarimo Pierre Pean, Judi Rever, Jane Corbin, Andreau Merelles n’abandi bamize bunguri ibyo batekewemo bakirinda gusoma inyandiko nkoresha kandi ziri mu ruhame.

[1] Il m’a également été rapporté, qu’au sommet de Dar-es-Salaam, sur les nombreux Chefs d’État qui avaient été annoncés,la plupart d’entre eux ont préféré s’absenter. Il semblerait que le Président du Zaïre, ait annulé son voyage de Dar-es-Salaam et qu’il aurait téléphoné à son “frère et ami Il du Rwanda pour le dissuader de faire ce voyage très risqué à ses yeux. Il paraît qu’il aurait été informé par une très grande personnalité de l’Élysée sur l’attentat qui se préparait. Certains n’hésitent pas à établir un rapprochement entre cette histoire et la découverte dans les jours qui ont suivi l’attentat contre l’avion des Présidents Rwandais et Burundais du corps d’un haut cadre de l’Élysée qui se serait suicidé en se logeant une balle dans la tête.

Kuri Twitter: @TomNdahiro

By: Tom Ndahiro

The more Charles Kambanda maligns Rwanda and well-known positions of civility, supposedly in defence of President Yoweri Museveni or his imaginary freedom of exprSimonession, the more he confirms his most unabashed genocide ideological predispositions.

I decided not to use Kambanda’s title “Professor”, just to avoid insulting professors worth the name. On 11^th February 2020, on his Facebook page, Charles Kambanda published a diatribe related to ongoing mediation processes to resolve an ongoing conflict between Uganda and Rwanda. His titles his diatribe: ‘How President Paul Kagame secured the government of Angola in his corner against President Museveni’.

It was on 12^th February reproduced by two online websites which serve as propaganda tools of the Kampala regime. Despite the falsehoods, slurs and genocide ideology in the piece, the two websites, Great Lakes Post and SpyReports UG didn’t venture into changing anything as written by Kambanda—the fellow that hoodwinked people into a law professorship, and legal counsel designation in the US.

A lie

There are so many fabrications in Kambanda’s text, especially people’s relations and their businesses. One lie is worth attention for credibility test of Kambanda. As a way of disqualifying Angola as bona fide mediator, Kambanda gave three reasons as to why according to him Angola should not have been involved in Rwanda Uganda issues.

One is allegedly unimportant social economic interests of Angola in Rwanda and Uganda; second is that the country is not a member of the East African community; and last, Kambanda claims: “Angola is tens of thousands of miles away from Uganda and Rwanda.” And, that, “for economic reasons” Kambanda feels that, “conducting negotiation between Rwanda and Uganda from Angola imposes unnecessary economic costs.”

I thought as a supposed lawyer—Kambanda should know that using numbers is not a gratuitous affair. Had he said “Angola is tens of thousands of furlongs away…” would have been understandable. But a distance in “tens of thousands of miles” is a colossal blunder—not out of misjudgement but manipulation.

For anyone who studied geography in elementary level or early secondary schools was taught the length of the Equator (circumference of the earth) is about 24,901 miles or 40,075 kilometres. Out of this distance, only 21.3% is over landmass whereas 78.8% lies across water, mostly oceans.

Evidently, the hyperbole to increase the distance between Angola and our region was meant to push his wicked agenda.

While the readership was being manipulated mirror accusations are full in this text to discredit the mediation efforts. Here are some examples: “… so-called mediation is proof of how far Mr. Paul Kagame can go to manipulate people and public institutions.” This mediation as Pan Africanists “is a lie” (…) “the Angola talks are manipulative and in bad faith”; “…President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the people of Uganda are left waiting in the wings, unaware.”

Genocide ideology

The above lie is harmless as compared to a statement he made to demonstrate according to him “how serpentine and deceitful the government of Rwanda can be”. Kambanda said: “The President of Rwanda used two major tools to hoodwink high profile government officials of Angola; money and the “girls’ brigade”.

“President Paul Kagame is ‘infamous’ for using well trained beautiful girls to spy on, and/or take compromising photos of high profile foreign and local dignitaries. Mr. Paul Kagame deployed money and “the girls’ brigade” to Angola, unsparingly.”

The above proclamation is rebirth of genocidaires’ beliefs, both Rwandans and foreigners. Kambanda and the Ugandans who reproduced this abhorrent dogma conveyed nothing new. They simply discharged foul-smelling notions fetched from the reservoir of Rwandan genocidal propaganda. Cases in point are abundant that show how this kind of vitriol poisoned communication, and therefore minds.

Charles Kambanda’s views should be viewed as exceedingly violent. During the genocide, a lot of Tutsi women were raped. According to Human Rights Watch, these rapes “served strategic and political ends.” Reasons provided by this organisation are: prior to, and during the genocide, extremist propaganda vilified Tutsi women on the basis of both their gender and their ethnicity. According to the extremist ideology, Tutsi women sought to sexually manipulate Hutu men as a means to achieve Tutsi domination of the Hutu community.

“Perpetrators of the genocide thus viewed sexual violence against Tutsi women as an effective method to shame and conquer the Tutsi population.”

In 2003, the Trial Chamber in the Media Case Judgement noted that: “Tutsi women, in particular, were targeted for persecution. The portrayal of the Tutsi woman as a femme fatale, and the message that Tutsi women were seductive agents of the enemy was conveyed repeatedly by RTLM and Kangura.”

The ill-famed Kangura magazine, a well-known hate propaganda tool against the Tutsi, is Kambanda’s template. In Kangura Issue No. 6 of December 1990 published an article entitled ‘Appeal to the Conscience of the Hutu’ within it “The Ten Hutu Commandments”. The article alleged there was a plan of 1962, in which the Tutsi chose two weapons they believed operational and effective against the Hutu: “money and the Tutsi woman”.

To put this plan into practice, the author of the article stated that the Tutsi used money deceitfully to take over Hutu companies and eventually State authorities. The article further said Tutsi women were sold or married to Hutu intelligentsias or highly positioned Hutu officials, to serve as spies in influential Hutu circles so as to “pass secrets to the enemy”, or fix government appointments in case one wants special import licenses.

This vitriol of 1990, is brought back without names ‘Hutu’ or ‘Tutsi’. Instead it is Angolan leaders and fictitious “girls’ brigades” or “trained beautiful girls” – the supposed “spies”. To fathom well what Kambanda meant, and his sources that he does not quote, Kangura’s Decalogue is fundamental.  Here are four (out of the ten).

“Every Hutu male should know that Tutsi women, wherever they may be, are working in the pay of their Tutsi ethnic group. Consequently, shall be deemed a traitor.

“Any Hutu male who marries a Tutsi woman; Any Hutu male who keeps a Tutsi concubine and Any Hutu male who makes a Tutsi woman his secretary or protégée.” (Commandment N^o 1)

“Every Hutu male must know that our Hutu daughters are more dignified and conscientious in their role of woman, wife and mother. Are they not pretty, good secretaries and more honest!” (Commandment N^o 2)

“Every Hutu male must know that all Tutsis are dishonest in their business dealings. They are only seeking ethnic supremacy.” (Commandment N^o 4)

“The Rwandan Armed Forces should be exclusively Hutu. That is the lesson we learned from the October 1990 war. No soldier must marry a Tutsi woman.” (Commandment N^o 7)

In late 1993 and early 1994, there were more than a few cartoons published in Kangura portrayed UNAMIR General Romeo Dallaire with women. In Kangura No. 53, he is shown kneeling and sucking the breast of a woman, who is saying to two other women standing in line behind her, “When I would have finished, I would also asked you to breast feed Dallaire.” In the first cartoon, Dallaire is literally kneeling at the feet of the half-naked Tutsi woman.

In another cartoon published in Kangura No. 56, of February 1994, Gen. Dallaire is shown with his arms around two women, one of whom is kissing him. The title reads: “General Dallaire and his army fell prey to the traps of the femmes fatales.” The woman to Dallaire’s right has a tattoo on her arm of a love heart with cupid’s arrow running through it, beneath is the writing ‘FPR’, the implication being that the woman loves, and hence works for the RPF.

This cartoon was meant to demonstrate how Dallaire had become the victim of the Tutsi woman’s “sexual allures”. Extremists like Kambanda have long traded in the old racist trope of the Tutsi woman is another Biblical “Delilah character” against Samson – i.e. one bent on using her sexual charms to undermine and destroy the aspirations of the Hutu and the “Bantu”.

The cartoons is a recreation of sexual power in politics, and explicitly the sexual component of what they see as Tutsi duplicity.

Genocide against the Tutsi had many façades created by personages whose determination was to convert as many unconvinced Hutus into genocidal fanatics. One of these people was an artist called Simon Bikindi. This musician composed songs to mass incitement; and edge on Hutus to loathe their Tutsi neighbors and to eradicate them.

There is no doubt Bikindi was a brilliant and skilled lyricist. His knowledge of Rwandan language, traditions, culture and history was far above than average.

This gave him power to compose songs which could easily sow trepidation amidst the targeted Tutsis and comforting the ears and minds Hutus.

In his three songs (Twasezereye, Akabyutso and Intabaza) which filled the airwaves of Radio RTLM and Radio Rwanda a Tutsi is portrayed as an enemy of the Hutu and who wants to recapture power by treachery—using women and cows as bait.

Charles Kambanda and his Ugandan accomplices no doubt are Bikindi and Kangura apostles.

By Jean Kayigamba

This painful three-month period of national life is a time when we, Rwandans and friends of Rwanda remember our loved ones we lost in 1994 to the worst of the genocides of the twentieth century. It is also a time of reflection and taking stock of where we are twenty-six years on.

I followed closely most of the programmes on Rwanda Broadcasting Agency (RBA) Radio and Television, especially various panel discussions during the Commemoration week. It was a moment of unenriching many Rwandans, especially young generations about the history of that genocide.

I wished the programme would have one burning issue of our time: the phenomenon of fake genocide survivors. The latter are mostly comprised of descendants of well-known genocidaires or genocide masterminds. They mainly live in the West, where their families sought refuge and tend to be well educated, and some of them are very well versed in the effective use of social media to carry out their hideous agenda of genocide revisionism and denial.

The present paper aims to deconstruct the false narrative they survived the genocide and to expose their wide web of deception, built around trivialising the genocide against the Tutsi and spread the hate ideology which led to the same genocide. Their tactics are the same: they build a false narrative about how they survived, they create a bogus human rights organisation, or just put on their profile that they are a human rights activist. This guarantees them universal recognition as concerned Rwandans.

For someone like myself who are unpretentious survivors, their tale of how they survived is nothing short of fairy tales which could make a very good fiction writing. Nevertheless, these merchants of lies use this new forged identity to distort, truncate our tragic history and in some instances, to do not hesitate to justify the extermination of the Tutsi. What they write and declare on different platforms is obscene and very disturbing.

As for their geographical location, they are scattered all over the globe, but the most virulent ones are based in North America (US and Canada) and Europe, but they are also present in Australia and New Zealand.

I cannot analyse each and every one of these wretched souls, but I will cite a few names to illustrate the gravity of the problem we face as a nation which is eager to preserve the integrity and veracity of the history of the genocide against the Tutsi. Otherwise, the more misleading narratives these people put out; the more disorientated people will be.

The infamous Gatebuke (s)

Let’s us look at one family of cons called the Gatebuke: Claude and Alice Gatebuke. They live in Nashville, Tennessee with their family. The duo is well known in academic, especially universities and colleges in America and in political milieus where they ran on a genocide survivor’s fake identity.

In their profile and in various writings and interviews, they introduce themselves as “Rwandan war and genocide survivors”. This is a very weird terminology coined to suit their treacherous agenda.

They can lie as much as they can, but they can’t run away from the fact that they are the son and daughter of a certain Gatsinzi Gatebuke— a well-known Hutu extremist from former Kayove Commune, in North-Western Rwanda. Those who knew him at the former National Office of the Population (ONAPO), say that he despised all his Tutsi colleagues and would never seat next to anyone from this group in the canteen.

For this reason alone, any pretence to be genocide survivors is just baloney and all their narrative about how they escaped the mass-killings in the early days of April 1994 fly in smokes. Gatebuke believes that he is genius of manipulation but looks at his multiple declarations and writings all over the years, his story has no legs.

More confusing is how he describes himself as “Rwandan genocide and war survivor and Executive Director for the African Great Lakes Action Network (AGLAN)”. A genocide and a war survivor? What does he mean? This is terminology is unique only to such fraudsters like him and his sister Alice Gatebuke.

Note that AGLAN is a three-people organisation, the Gatebuke and a lady called Lauren Brinkley-Rubenstin. The latter’s presence is just symbolic. This fake ‘rights’ organisation is a one-man show; a scheme set up by cunning Gatebuke to exploit the generosity of gullible Americans who are unaware of his duplicitous speeches and publications.

Go look at this organisation’s website, it does not feature any annual report. All it does is to serve as publication of any material besmirching the current government in Rwanda, and anything championing genocide revisionism and denial.

Who is Claude Gatebuke accountable to? Only to himself and his family. I was in Rwanda throughout active life, and I grew up under the regimes of President Kayibanda and Habyarimana. When the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) launched the struggle for the liberation of our country in October 1990, I was in Rwanda. But at listening the way Gatebuke distorts the truth about the atrocities which followed is baffling.

More troubling is the rosy picture of Rwanda before this invasion. In May 2016, he told the World Weekly:

“I remember two Rwandans prior to the genocide. One was Rwanda up until I was 10 years old that was known as the Switzerland of Africa. Very peaceful and safe. I was totally oblivious to the fact that there were even different ethnic groups in Rwanda. Everyone lived together,” he pointed out when asked about his recollection about his growing up in Rwanda.”[1] A ten year old boy political analysis indeed!

These words depicting Rwanda in a rosy picture sound hollow to all of us Tutsi kids who were ostracised, despised and spat at by teachers and classmates alike have a totally different experience. But I can understand him because he was a Hutu.

In the same interview, he cannot resist from making unsubstantiated allegations borrowed from the very campaign the Hutu regimes used to stir up fear and hatred against the RPF rebels. He said:

“During the war of the early 90s, the RPF rebels committed massive atrocities that left many families homeless, thousands of people buried in mass graves and thousands amputated. The rebels’ methods included calling people to meetings and bombing and shooting into crowds and fishing off survivors with hand weapons.“[2]

One wonders why our “Rwandan war and genocide survivor” doesn’t want to talk about the gross human rights violations carried out by the Hutu regime of Habyarimana in reprisals to the RPF’s invasion on October 1, 1990. Because Claude Gatebuke is guided by the Hutu Power ideology, he prefers not to mention the massive arrest of over 9,000 Tutsi in and around the capital Kigali. They falsely accused of being part of the RPF Fifth Column which had attacked the capital in the evening of October 4th.

These massive arrests are often referred to as Rwanda’s Kristallnacht (Night of Crystal).

The government had faked an attack by the rebels to seize the capital, and their Tutsi Ibyitso or accomplices had been part of this attempt. In addition, thousands of Tutsis were massacred in Umutara and Bigogwe areas in the last months of 1990 and early 1991. What sham genocide describes about the early days of the genocide in the capital Kigali is another complete pack of lies.

“Quickly, neighbours were turned against one another. “We had a next-door neighbour, who would order people into his house and kill them at night. He would beat anyone who resisted with a club,” he told the magazine.

I was in the capital at the time myself and I beg to differ. The massacres of Tutsi followed a skilfully pre-planned plan with lists of people (Tutsi) well dressed up in advance. Soon after the presidential plane was shot down above Kigali International Airport, members of the Presidential Guard (GP) and Hutu militias set up roadblocks around the city. Massacres of Tutsi started immediately.

But Gatebuke, who has a felonious plan, like senior genocidaires, shamelessly tries to justify the extermination of Tutsi by the Hutu as a mere self-defence:

“The well planned and organised killing machine required mass participation from ordinary citizens. Many Hutu civilians feared the Tutsi rebels would slaughter them once they took over. Mixed communities were suddenly pitted against one another,” he underscored.

And he further said:

“There were multiple reasons for common citizens participating willingly and willingly in the killings. Many were forced to kill to save their lives…Some killed because they thought they had to strike first instead of being found by the RPF Tutsi rebels and exterminated like those who had been killed in zones the rebels occupied. The fear factor was a major player given the fact that extremists ran very strong propaganda and at the same time ordinary people found themselves being shelled by the RPF rebels and felt like the RPF was coming to kill them.”

This is the same message of hatred broadcast on the RTLM and Rwanda national radios to encourage the Hutu to wipe out the Tutsi during the genocide. Why on earth would a genocide survivor justify acts of genocide? Mr Gatebuke has never explained. His discourse is not in any way different from that of Col. Theoneste Bagosora, Dr. Leon Mugesera, Ferdinand Nahimana or Hassan Ngeze.

Birds of the Same feathers …

I have also been wondering what the nexus between Mr Gatebuke and the network of well-known genocide ideologues who are dedicated to negating that the genocide against the Tutsi ever took place and push forth a preposterous claim of a Hutu genocide. Amongst the over-zealous and vitriolic of all, is Judi Rever, a Canadian journalist renowned to deny the genocide against the Tutsi and to propagate the discredited theory of a Hutu Genocide, in particular in her book In Praise of Blood.

In March 2019, the Rwandese Community Abroad (RCA) in the US tried to block Judi Rever from presenting her scandalous book at Tarrant Community College, Texas, he wrote the following in her defence:

“I am a genocide survivor. I came to the US when I was a teenager having fled my country during massacres…Rever’s findings are credible and well-documented.”, he wrote.

Only a heartless genocide survivor would come to the defence of this hideous lady.

In February 2020, Gatebuke also unashamedly teamed up with his bedfellow Judi Rever to a conference organised by the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS), in Washington and helped to advertise and sell her book.

After many years trading his falsehoods, Mr Gatebuke now feels emboldened. He has now pushed his “genocide reinterpretation” schema to new heights and established a network involving with other Hutu youth with a similar familial ideology. The most prominent ones are members of the Brussels-based Jambo asbl.  This organisation was set up as a human rights organisation. But this appellation is just a cover. Its activities are well-documented, and they are all aimed towards whitewashing the crimes committed by their genocidaires’ fathers.

Its leader include Gustave Ruhumuliza, son of well-known genocide fugitive Shingiro Mbomyumutwa and grandson of Dominique Mboyumutwa, the godfather of MDR PARMEHUTU. But Claude Gatebuke works closely with one Denise Zaneza, another “militant” (propagandist) of genocide denialism. She also describes herself as a Human Rights Activist and EU Coordinator of Rwandan Rights, and also a “genocide survivor”. But like Gatebuke, this is a cover-up. She is not a genocide survivor. She is ardent advocate of the double genocide theory, to find the equivalent of a crime her relatives committed.

During the just concluded Commemoration week, she posted the following on her Facebook account:

“Ese aba technicians boherejwe na Paul Kagame na Kabarebe gukorana n’interhamawe kugirango bice abanyarwanda benshi bashoboka muriya minsi 100 kuki mutabavuga? Nukuberako mudashaka ko abanyarwanda bamenya ko FPR yishe n’abatutsi muri genocide?” (Why are you not also mentioning the technicians dispatched by Paul Kagame and Kabarebe to work with Interahamwe and kill as many Rwandans as possible during the 100 days? Is it because you don’t want Rwandans to know that the RPF also killed Tutsi during the genocide)?

To say that this is callous and heartless is a misnomer. This is the same dumb conspiracy contained in the very much discredited Judi Rever’s book.

In the UK the same fake geocide survivors are also at work

In the UK, there is functioning association of genocide survivors. For this reason, unscrupulous people have benefitted from this vacuum to set organisations claiming to represent survivors. The problem is that some of the representatives of these entities are also fake genocide survivors like Mr Gatebuke and Ms Zaneza.

Nevertheless, these cunning individuals are not very much in preserving the memory of the victims, they are seemed to have found a way of making quick bucks and enhancing their personal profile. Some of these fakes have even received highest honours in the land for their work which only benefit them and not the survivors.

This is really profoundly unethical. It should be exposed for what it is: a mere exploitation of the genocide against the Tutsi for personal gains.

Some descendants of well-known genocide perpetrators have also put the mantle of “genocide survivors, and human rights activists”. Amongst them is Rene Mugenzi, who last year appeared on Al Jazeera calling himself a genocide survivor. But his father Joseph Mugenzi is a genocide suspects on the run and is alleged to be holed up in the Netherlands.

But the most vitriolic and most engaged of all this new generation of genocide ideologues is Peter Mutabaruka, 24, who lives with his genocidaire fugitive father Pastor Celestin Mutabaruka in Ashford, Kent, United Kingdom. The father is accused of having been involved in the massacres of Tutsi in Bisesero in Western Rwanda in 1994.

Despite the horrendous crimes his father is accused of, he has been accusing the Rwanda government of abuses of human rights and in 2017 he launched a campaign called Amahoriwacu which is calling for the removal of President Paul Kagame. He uses mainly social media, especially YouTube to spread his dreadful whoopla.

Peter Mutambara’s tactics are commonly known as “mirror accusations” (reversed accusations). He is accusing the Rwanda government of the same atrocities that his father committed.

Both Rene Mugenzi and Peter Mutabaruka work closely with Gatebuke, Denise Zaneza and even organisations affiliated to Ingabire Victoire Umuhoza, who led different first the Republican Rally for Democracy in Rwanda (RDR) created by genocidaire in 1995 before it morphed into the FDU – (United Democratic Forces) to push the genocide ideology and denial system.

They are recently joined hands in this despicable project by Christine Coleman, a self-proclaimed preacher, who has been publishing unfounded material on Rwanda. During the heavy rains which battered the capital Kigali in the past, this phony pastor compared the damages to the biblical plagues.

Her most recent publication “SOS- Rwanda’s 30 Years Apocalypse” tells it all about her venomous propaganda against Rwanda government Mugenzi accuses of allegedly massacring Christian Hutu, Tutsi Rwandans, forgetting the genocide of over a million Tutsi slaughtered by his close relatives.

In the aftermath of the death (by suicide) of artist Kizito Mihigo, without any evidence, all these young genocide deniers and revisionists came out of the woodwork and accused the Rwanda government of assassinating him.

They shed crocodile tears about the demise of someone they claim embodied the spirit of national reconciliation because he had converted to the theory of a double genocide especially through his song “Igisobanuro cy’urupfu” (the meaning of death) which has been condemned for trivialising the genocide against the Tutsi.

They were joined in this endeavour by the Hutu extremist Father Thomas Nahimana, an advocate of the return of ethnic labelling in national identity cards. But one wonders what is behind this rediscovered empathy for a survivor whose father was murdered by Hutu extremist militias.

Australia and New Zealand are not spared from this scourge

Other fake survivors who use this fraudulent identity have found sanctuary as far as Australia and New Zealand where during commemoration time.  They also organised their activities to enhance their profile. But they are not interested in telling the true story of the genocide against the Tutsi. That is why they use the term Rwandan Genocide and never uses the term Genocide against the Tutsi which was recognised by the UN Security Council.

Those fraudsters include two Nelson Muhirwa and his wife Yvette Muhirwa in Australia They have been using a YouTube Channel to accuse the RPF of committed a genocide against the Hutu. Others are members of the terrorist organisation RNC, Mukombozi and Mubarak who last year invited Paul Rusesabagina, and Gervais Condo, to the 25th Commemoration of the Genocide against the Tutsi in the South Wales Parliament.

In Canada

There is also a woman called Louise Uwacu, in Canada who also uses her fake genocide survivor identity to push the same revisionist and denialist conspiracies. She has developed close ties with Claude Gatebuke and other genocide deniers of the world. It is believed that Uwacu’s family hailed from Ruhengeri and was at no any time targeted by the genocidaires and may have fled to Zaire as the RPF was on the verge of defeating the genocidaire forces.

Why do these people see being a genocide survivor as a trump card?

According to Tom Ndahiro, a genocide scholar based in Kigali:

“These are simply impostors who chose the label ‘genocide survivor’   to push their genocide ideology. They know that the only way to sound credible, is by assuming a survivor epithet,” he wrote, citing the case of Claude Gatebuke and his sister Alice Gatebuke.

He indicated to me how he once challenged Gatebuke to say which genocide he survived? This fraudster failed to explain how he survived genocide and then followed the genocidaires to former Zaire from where he left to go join his father in Tennessee.

This is a very extensive topic given the number of individuals involved, and the many diversionary tactics they use to hoodwink the international community about their real motives, which is fostering genocide revisionism and denial.

Committing genocide was an individual act. While in Rwanda, descendants of genocidaire have dissociated from the heinous acts from fathers, and ask for forgiveness, this lost generation is not afraid of carrying forward the dreadful inheritance of the ideology of hate of their parents. It is time kicking bomb that needs to be addressed by all peace-loving Rwandans and the world. We came from afar; we do not want to return to the dark days of ethnic divisions which led to the genocide in 1994.

In the words of one genocide survivor, these fake survivors aim at minimising the suffering of the real survivors and want to reach a part of Rwandans in assimilating themselves to their tragedy.

“They want to dilute the gravity of the horrors committed by their fathers. Being a survivor means to have been persecuted and bearing the psychological scars of the trauma one went through.”

Posing as a genocide survivor while one is not is an act of genocide denial of highest order. People, especially our young and therefore future generations, would confused by two narratives. The truth and fake one, and they may not know which to trust.

So, we better expose who they are: wolves in sheep skin. I call upon Ibuka and the National Commission for the Fight Against Genocide to combat them no matter what it takes.

End

[1] Josh White. “Claude Gatebuke on Surviving the Rwandan Genocide” in The World Weekly (19 May 2016).

[2] Idem.

Par: Alain Gauthier

«Tuli hano, papa!» « Nous sommes ici papa ». C’est en ces termes que Félicien KABUGA a été accueilli à son entrée dans la salle d’audience par les membres de sa famille, poing levé, ce mercredi 27 mai 2020.

L’audience commence par rappeler l’identité de KABUGA, réfugié en France sous le nom d’Antoine TUNGA. Madame la présidente de la cour énumère ensuite les 7 chefs d’accusation pour lesquels KABUGA est poursuivi. A noter qu’une interprète traduit les propos de la présidente, le prévenu ne comprenant apparemment pas le français (bizarrement, la suite de l’audience ne lui sera pas traduite ! Comprenne qui pourra.)

Alors que la présidente tente d’expliquer qu’un mandat d’arrêt émanant du MTPI (Mécanisme de suivi) le concerne pour une extradition vers la justice internationale, KABUGA veut savoir pourquoi il se trouve dans cette salle d’audience! « Tout cela c’est des mensonges… j’ai aidé les Tutsi dans tout ce que je faisais… je leur faisais crédit, je n’allais pas tuer mes clients. Tout cela, c’est des mensonges. J’ai compris ce qu’on me reproche mais c’est de la jalousie, on voulait me prendre mes biens. Je ne pouvais pas tuer les Tutsi alors que je travaillais avec eux. »

Maître BAYON, son avocat, adresse plusieurs reproches à madame la Procureure : comparution tardive devant un médecin et sans interprète, prélèvement ADN pratiqué sans son accord. Deux arguments pour lesquels il demande l’annulation de la procédure, deux reproches qui seront balayés par la représentante du Parquet. Rien ne peut justifier une nullité de la procédure.

Maître BAYON enchaîne par une QPC, une Question prioritaire de constitutionnalité. Son client est vieux et malade, la Cour, en acceptant l’extradition, va rendre « une justice de Ponce Pilate : allez vous faire juger ailleurs ! ». Rappelant son passé de magistrat, il dénonce « la misère et l’indigence de la justice française. » Il demande que la Cour de cassation soit saisie afin que cette dernière en réfère au Conseil constitutionnel.

Est abordée ensuite la demande de remise en liberté et l’établissement d’une véritable expertise médicale. La défense commence par un rapide cours d’histoire, rappelle la colonisation allemande, puis belge, les théories de GOBINEAU pour finir par déclarer que « le TPIR est l’héritier de l’inertie de la communauté internationale. » On est loin de la responsabilité individuelle de KABUGA.

KABUGA s’oppose à son extradition parce que le mandat d’arrêt qui le concerne n’est pas rédigé dans la langue qu’il connaît. Pire, KABUGA risque d’être extradé vers la Tanzanie, après La Haye. Or, le système de santé tanzanien ne présente aucune garantie pour son client. En réalité, c’est vers le TPIR qu’il serait extradé, une enceinte où ceux qui y vivent encore ne semblent pas malheureux. Pour la défense de KABUGA, sa détention n’est pas justifiée. Ce dernier veut bien être jugé, mais en France ! Car une fois à Arusha, il pourrait bien être remis aux autorités du Rwanda.

Maître BAYON donne l’exemple de Wenceslas MUNYESHYAKA que le TPIR a remis à la France pour y être jugé. Mais l’avocat de la défense ne semble pas bien connaître son sujet : la justice française n’a pas « acquitté » le prêtre de Gisors, comme il l’affirme. Il a bénéficié d’un non-lieu ! D’ailleurs, si la France refuse d’extrader les prévenus vers le Rwanda, c’est qu’elle a ses raisons poursuit l’avocat qui réitère sa demande : que KABUGA soit jugé en France et qu’il soit remis en liberté. L’avocate générale se contente de rappeler que les droits de KABUGA seront préservés.

Concernant la demande de remise en liberté, l’avocat de la défense déclare qu’il n’y a aucun critère pour maintenir son client en détention à la Santé: les preuves sont conservées, pas de risque de pression sur la famille et autres témoins, pas de risque de concertation avec d’autres témoins, pas de risque de trouble à l’ordre public, une garantie de représentation… Son état de santé ne justifie pas sa détention. PAPON et BOUSQUET n’ont pas été mis en détention préventive. TOUVIER a été placé sous contrôle judiciaire car il avait un cancer. « Pourquoi une telle position pour KABUGA ? » Faudrait-il jusqu’aller à croire qu’il y a une justice « raciste » ?

Madame l’avocate générale veut conclure. KABUKA est recherché depuis 25 ans pour ce qu’il y a de plus grave, il a fui pendant 25 ans, on a perdu sa trace depuis 2007 ! En le remettant à ses enfants, on le remet à ceux qui pourraient le faire fuir. Et puis KABUGA a tout nié ! Le trouble à l’ordre public est évident si on le remet en liberté, c’est évident. Donc deux raisons de ne pas le remettre en liberté. Son âge, sa santé ? Mais on est bien soigné à la Santé

Maître BAYON de conclure. Et de citer maître BADINTER qui militait pour la libération de PAPON : « …l’humanité doit prévaloir sur le crime. » Quant à Félicien KABUGA, il aura le dernier mot : « Je suis très malade. Je ne peux pas fuir ! »

La cour se retire pour délibérer. La demande de remise en liberté est rejetée pour « insuffisance de représentation et pour risque de trouble à l’ordre public. » Il ne sera pas procédé à une expertise médicale. Rendez-vous est donné au 3 juin pour statuer sur la demande d’extradition.