UNITED NATIONS, July 15, more here – Amid reports on June 27 that the UN flew a sanctioned militia leader of the FDLR militia on a UN aircraft in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Inner City Press
 asked UN spokesman Stephane Dujurric about it at the UN noon briefing on June 27:

Inner City Press: why did MONUSCO [United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo] fly him to Goma to Kisangani and then to Kinshasa when, in fact, I think there’s an arrest warrant for him?

Spokesman Dujarric: I’m not aware of any other services provided to him by MONUSCO.

Dujarric that day, and in the subsequent times Inner City Press asked, insisted that not only Mary Robinson (who today left her post as the UN’s Great Lakes envoy) but also US envoy Russ Feingold requested the waiver, and that the FDLR leader Gaston Iyamuremye a/k/a Rumuli had nottraveled to Rome, arguing that only that was important.

Inner City Press disagrees — why would UN Peacekeeping under Herve Ladsous given his history on Rwanda, representing France in the Security Council in 1994 arguing for the escape of the genocidaires into Eastern Congo, fly a sanctioned FDLR figure linked to the genocide around?

Then the Italian publication L’Indro reported that even after the Security Council sanctions committee stopped Herve Ladsous’ request for Rumuli to fly, he nevertheless “embarked on a areo dell’Etiophian Airline landing at Fiumicino airport with regular tourist visa” and staying until June 30. Click here for the L’indro article.

One would have expected to simply be able to trust answers or denials from the UN spokesperson’s office. But of later, not only did that office apparently withhold answers on this situation — they also doctored transcripts, about Pakistani journalist Hamid Mir and then, for the second time, censoring even the name of the Free UN Coalition for Access from “its” transcript, click here for that.

In this context we summarized and linked to the L’indro article, then asked UN deputy spokesperson Farhan Haq about the article on July 15.

Haq clearly had an if-asked, and read it, denying Rumuli went to Rome, instead saying he was escorted from Kinshasa back to the east. Video here.

Inner City Press asked about MONUSCO escorting Rumuli.

Haq said what he had read did not say MONUSCO did the escorting. So who did? And if not the UN, how does the UN know where Rumuli went?

Source

Na: Tom Ndahiro

Bimaze gukabya. Ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside irabibwa nta nkomyi nta n’isoni. Imvo n’Imvano yo kuwa gatandatu, tariki ya 12 Nyakanga 2014 niyo itumye nandika iyi mpuruza. Guhuruza mbikoze nk’inshingano y’umunyarwanda.

Birakabije kumva umuntu asobanura ko jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi yari ngombwa kandi ukabona bifatwa nkaho ari ikiganiro gisanzwe. Kucyumva kanda aha

Akamenyero

Muri icyo kiganiro nkuko kenshi bikunze kugenda cyayobowe na Ally Yussuf Mugenzi. Nkuko asanzwe abigenza iyo yakoze ikiganiro gisebya leta y’u Rwanda cyangwa gishyigikira ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside ikiganiro kimara ibyumweru bibiri cyangwa bitatu kuri iyo radiyo.

Icyo kiganiro Imvo n’Imvano cyashimangiraga ibyanditswe muri raporo ku Rwanda yasohowe na  Maina Kiai, Intumwa idasanzwe ya Loni ku burenganzira bwo kwishyira ukizana.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi atangira ikiganiro akanakomeza yivugira “jenoside yabaye muri mirongo icyenda na kane” Kuri we kirazira kuvuga abo yakorewe. Uburyo busanzwe ku bantu bafite iyo ngengabitekerezo mbi.

Ibyo bikaza gushimangirwa na Joseph Matata, usa n’aho ari  mu bajyanama ba Ally Yussuf Mugenzi kubera uburambe afite mu bantu bakwiza ihakana n’ipfobya rya jenoside. Bikanashimangirwa na Boniface Twagirimana, wo muri FDU-Inkingi ikomoka ku bayobozi bakozreye Abatutsi jenoside.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi yita FDU-Inkingi ishyaka “ritaremerwa gukorera mu Rwanda ku mugaragaro”. Ubwo buvugizi bw’abajenosideri BBC-gahuza miryango ibukoze imyaka igera kuri 19.

Ingengabitekerezo barayisangiye
Kuba Ally Yussuf Mugenzi ashyigikira abafite ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside, ni uko bayihuriyeho. Iki kiganiro cyaramugaragaje.

Cyane aho yavuganaga na Karorero Joseph ukora muri Komisiyo y’igihugu ishinzwe kurwanya jenoside.

Uwo Karorero ngo yari yagaragarije Ally Yussuf Mugenzi ko hari aho Maina Kiai asobanura amateka y’igihugu nabi  cyane cyane aya jenoside. Karorero akabwira Ally Yussuf Mugenzi ko Maina Kiai “yagoramye cyane” ku buryo uwasoma raporo ye “yagira imyumvire itandukanye kuri jenoside yakorewe abatutsi, icyaba cyarayiteye n’inkomoko yayo.”

Ibi byatumye Ally Yussuf Mugenzi aba nk’utonetswe ahantu abaza Karorero Joseph ngo : “Nk’aho yagoretse ni hehe?… Icyo utashimishijwe yavuzeho ni ikihe?

Karorero Joseph yasobanuye ibyo anenga atangira gusobanurira Ally Yussuf Mugenzi asa n’uwizeye ko yamwumva. Amumbwira ko ari amakosa gufata iby’ubutegetsi bw’Abanyiginya mu myaka 400,  n’aho baba batarayoboye  ngo bihuzwe n’ubwicanyi bwabakorewe guhera mu 1959 kugeza no kuri na jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi mu 1994.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi  yamuciye mu ijambo amubazanya ubukana ati: “Ariko se ibyo si ukuri?” Ukuri kwe kukaba ko imitegekere y’abatutsi ariyo nyirabayazana ya jenoside.

Karorero Joseph yakomeje guhanyayaza aninginga asa n’utokora ifuku Ati: “Oya. Ally Yussuf ntabwo nzi ko wavuga ngo ni ukuri kuko jenoside … yakorewe abatutsi ntabwo wayihera ku kibazo cy’imiyoborere n’amateka.”

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi nawe asobanura impamvu y’uko kuri kwe ahagazeho. Yabwiye Karorero ati “ngira ngo ntabwo byaba ari bibi” umuntu ahereye mu 1959 ngo kuko ariho “impunzi zatangiye guhunga.”

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi  akomeza kubisobanura ngo “Izo mpunzi zitera muri 90 ni abana cyangwa ni abuzukuru cyangwa ni bamwe” muri abo ngabo bahunze mu 1959 abo ngabo bikaza mu mwaka w’1994. Nta soni Mugenzi ati: “Hari aho bihuriye.”

Karorero Joseph byaramugoye kuko no gusobanurira umuntu nk’uwo bitoroha Agerageza kumwereka abatekereza batyo ari abatu badashishoza.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi nawe yarikomeyeho asobanura ko iyo imiyoborere itaba mibi ntabwo hari kuba imvururu zo mu 1959 revolisiyo y’Abahutu.

Ikiganiro cyarakomeje kigera aho Karorero Joseph agaragaza ko kimwe mu nenge yabonye muri raporo ya Maina Kiai  ngo “Aho niho navuze ngo iyo umuntu aterekanye neza ko jenoside wari umugambi wateguwe igihe kirekire….”

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi: Kirekire ubwo ni ryari uvuga Karorero?

Karorero Joseph: Mpera neza itanu n’umunani, itanu n’icyenda.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi: Nibwo jenoside yatangiye gutegurwa?

Karorero Joseph: Niho ubona neza ibimenyestso bifatika, biganisha ku rwango rwo kurimbura abatutsi.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi: Niho jenoside yatangiye gutegurwa ubwo ngubwo?

Karorero Joseph: Ibimenyetso bifatika. Njye ndavuga nk’umuntu w’umunyamategeko, nk’umuntu usesengura ibimenyetso bya jenoside yenda uw’amateka ashobora gukomeza akajya inyuma no muri 22 (1922), akerekana abakoroni batangiza indangamuntu, bashyiramo ubwoko n’iki ariko njyewe ibimenyetso bifatika bigaragaza itangira ry’ibimenyetso ryo gucamo ibice abantu no kubiba urwango ruganisha kuzarimbura umututsi, mbihera kuri za discours za ba Gitera.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi: Ubwo rero ni ukuvuga ko n’abatutsi ubwabo bagizemo uruhare mu gutegura iyo jenoside yabo, sibyo?

Karorero Joseph: Icyo ahubwo ni cyo ndwanya. Icyo ni cyo ntemeranywa nawe.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi: Ariko urarwanya ukuri rero?

Karorero Joseph: Oya. Ntabwo ari ukuri.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi: None, ba uretse gato, mirongo itanu n’icyenda, tujye mu mateka, ku ngoma ya cyami hari abashefu hari abasushefu, hari ikiganiro nigeze gukora rimwe, umuntu atanga urugero kugeza muri 59, mu bashefu bari bahari 45; 43 bari abatutsi, babiri bari abahutu; mu basushefu 559, 10 nibo bari Abahutu abasigaye bose bari abatutsi. N’icyo nkubwira nti niba ari uko, uko gukandamiza rero, Abatutsi bagize uruhare mu gutegura jenoside kuko abahutu ntabwo bari kwemera ibi ngibi niba uhera muri 59 cyangwa nyuma yaho.

Karorero Joseph: Urebye mu bintu nakubwiye, nakubwiye ko utarebera jenoside ku mibanire y’Abanyarwanda.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi: Oya ni uko ubishyira ku bahutu gusa njyewe nakubwiye ko niba ari uko n’abatutsi nabo bafite uruhare mu itegurwa rya jenoside yabo!

Karorero Joseph: Ibyo ngibyo rero nibyo nakugaragarije ko waba uriho kuganisha mu guhakana no gupfobya jenoside.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi: Oya ni ukuri. Ntabwo ari uguhakana. Erega nibyo na Maina arimo kuvuga hano kuko hari amategeko ari gutegurwa hano avuga gukumira jenoside ariko mu by’ukuri ahisha ukuri, ahisha kuvuga ukuri ntikujye ahagaragara. Ni byo Maina arimo kuvuga aha ngaha nawe n’ibyo urimo kuvuga.

Karorero Joseph: Maina icyo ashaka kwerekana, arashaka kwerekana ko jenoside ifitanye isano n’imiyoborere (y’abatutsi) mibi kandi atari byo.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi: Ariko ni byo. Iyo u Rwanda rugira imiyoborere myiza (y’Abatutsi) ntabwo jenoside yari kuba.

Karorero Joseph: 59, 94 ntabwo ari abatutsi bayoboraga.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi: None umwami yari umuhutu, umwami ntiyari umututsi?

Karorero Joseph: Ariko uzarebe mu mateka, niho rero Maina itandukira mu mateka y’u Rwanda. Ntabwo imiyoborere y’umwami yabibaga urwango rw’umuntu ugomba kwicwa.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi: Ariko nguhaye imibare hano. Abatutsi bikubiye ubutegetsi. Ubwo se wabishyira he?

Karorero Joseph: Icyo gihe rero ukora ibyo bita social transformation. Ugenda uhindura uburyo bw’imiyoborere ariko nta mugambi utegura wo kurimbura abo uyobora. Mu mateka y’umwami ntaho byigeze biba.

Ally Yussuf Mugenzi: Ariko nguhaye urugero!

Bakomeje ikiganiro Mugenzi na Karorero basoza bavuga ibya jenoside ebyiri, Mugenzi akomezanya na ba FDU na Matata bavuga rumwe n’umuyobozi wa BBC-Gahuzamiryango.

Hakorwa iki?

Iyo nshingano iri mu ngingo z’ikubitiro mu irangashingiro ry’Itegeko Nshinga rigira riti: “Nyuma ya jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi yateguwe ikanashyirishwa mu bikorwa n’abayobozi babi n’abandi bose bayigizemo uruhare, igahitana abana b’u Rwanda barenga miliyoni; Twiyemeje kurwanya ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside n’ibyo igaragariramo byose, ndetse no kurandura burundu amacakubiri ashingiye ku moko, ku turere n’andi macakubiri ayo ari yo yose”

Icyo twiyemeje ntigikwiye guharirwa inkiko cyangwa se polisi n’ubushinjacyaha. Iryo rangashingiro riratureba twese. Nicyo “TWIYEMEJE” ivuga. Ni twe, si abandi.

Iyi nyandiko ya mbere ni iyo kwereka abantu ibyo Mugenzi yemera akanabyivugira ku mugaragaro.

Umunyamakuru wa RTLM wavugaga ko Abatutsi bagomba gushira, n’uwa BBC uvuga ko abishwe aribo ba nyirabayazana batandukaniye he?  Wakwemeza ute ko jenoside yari ngombwa ukaba wakomeza kwitwa umunyamakuru utabogamye? Ese Radiyo yigisha ibintu nk’ibi, dore ko yumvwa cyane, si ukuroga aho gutanga ubumenyi?

Nzakurikizaho kwerekana isano y’imvugo ya Ally Yussuf Mugenzi n’iyabahamagariye Abahutu kwica Abatutsi mbere no mu gihe cya jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi mu 1994.

Intwaro ya mbere yo kurwanya ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside, ni ukuyigaragaza imiterere yayo.

Uzajye usoma http://umuvugizi.wordpress.com/

By: Russell D. Feingold

Washington, DC — I walked into the State Department just over a year ago to take on my new role of U.S. Special Envoy for the African Great Lakes Region and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Part of my eagerness in accepting the job came from the recognition that we were entering a period of unprecedented international commitment to and partnership with Africa, including the Great Lakes Region.

Having worked on Africa for over 18 years in the U.S. Senate, on too many occasions I watched the international community swoop into parts of Africa in times of dire crisis, only to swoop back out after the first sign of progress or failure. Today, I believe we are witnessing a paradigm shift in how the international community, and the United States in particular, engages with Africa.

The increased commitment of the United States and the international community is already bearing fruit in the Great Lakes. When I was appointed, Secretary Kerry’s marching orders were to do everything I could to help the region end the armed rebellion by the M23 rebel group. The tide had begun to turn against the M23 in early to mid-2013, after the international community and the region increased the military and diplomatic pressure on all parties. A key element of that push was the establishment of the UN’s intervention brigade within the UN peacekeeping mission in the DRC and the negotiation of the Peace, Security, and Cooperation Framework, signed by 13 African countries.

These steps helped pave the way for a resolution to the rebellion. In addition to military pressure, the end to the rebellion was achieved via the Kampala Dialogue, facilitated by Uganda, with the active participation of a team of international envoys that included the outgoing UN Special Envoy for the Great Lakes, Mary Robinson, and me. In December, the Nairobi Declarations were finally signed by the DRC and the M23, representing the political resolution to a long-running rebellion.

At that point, we could have declared victory and gone home. Instead, we increased our efforts to help the region fully implement the Nairobi Declarations and the Framework, with the vital goal of achieving sustainable peace and prosperity in the region.

One of the Framework’s core objectives is to eradicate all armed groups. The international community and the region, including the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, currently under the effective chairmanship of Angola, are now demonstrating unprecedented commitment to once and for all neutralize the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a rebel group whose members include individuals responsible for the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

The FDLR has been active in eastern DRC for years, destroying communities, committing heinous abuses, including sexual violence and the illegal recruitment and use of child soldiers, and causing mass-displacement – without any accountability.

Again, we are seeing progress, although with much work still to be done. Earlier this year, the FDLR committed to voluntarily demobilize, in part to avoid military action by the DRC military and the UN. Regional governments have since announced a six-month timeline for the FDLR to fully demobilize. This process must be credible and irreversible, and the timeline cannot be an excuse for six more months of predatory behavior or false promises to demobilize by the FDLR.

It’s up to all of us in the international community to remain engaged and to help the region ensure that the Nairobi Declarations are implemented and the M23 is permanently demobilized, and that the FDLR is finally and fully neutralized and its leadership held accountable.

Mary Robinson made an enormous commitment to progress in the Great Lakes. While the world will welcome and greatly benefit from her leadership in her new role as UN Special Envoy on Climate Change, she will be missed in Africa.

To continue building on her work, the UN Secretary General recently announced the appointment of Said Djinnit, former Special Representative of the Secretary General for West Africa, to succeed Robinson. Ambassador Djinnit’s appointment is a reassuring and welcomed sign of the UN’s sustained commitment to the Great Lakes.

When President Obama welcomes African heads of state to Washington on August 6, it will represent more than a one-off meeting. It will affirm deepened and sustained U.S.-Africa economic, democratic and security cooperation. It is this type of expanded commitment and cooperation which has allowed us to support marked progress in addressing the conflict in the Great Lakes region.

Russell D. Feingold became U.S. Special Envoy for the African Great Lakes Region and the Democratic Republic of the Congo on July 18, 2013. Throughout his 18 years in the United States Senate (1993 to 2011), he served on and led the Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Africa.

Source

Mu myaka yashize iyo hagarukwaga ku byabaye mu Rwanda muri Mata 1994, hakoreshwaga imvugo “Itsembatsemba n’Itsembabwoko”, gusa iyi mvugo yaje guhindurwa bitewe n’uko yatezaga urujijo, hagaragazwa ko niba Abanyarwanda bashaka ko amateka avugwa uko yakabaye, hazajya hakoreshwa “Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi”.

Igitangaje rero ni ukubona nyuma y’imyaka 20 jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi ibaye, hari umuntu utinyuka kumvikana avuga ko “Abatutsi bagize uruhare muri jenoside yabakorewe muri Mata 1994”. Ibi ni ugupfobya jenoside, cyangwa ni ukugoreka amateka nkana ku bw’inyungu runaka ?

Mu kiganiro Imvo n’Imvano cyahise kuri BBC-Gahuzamiryango kuwa Gatandatu tariki ya 12 Nyakanga 2014, abatumirwa baganiraga kuri raporo ya Maina Kiai, Intumwa idasanzwe y’Umuryango w’Abibumbye ku iyubahirizwa ry’uburenganzira bwa muntu, barimo umunyamategeko Evode Uwizeyimana ndetse na Joseph Karorero ukora muri Komisiyo y’Igihugu yo kurwanya jenoside bagaragaza ko hari aho iyi raporo igoreka amateka y’u Rwanda. Ku rundi ruhande hari Joseph Matata na Boniface Twagirimana bo mu mashyaka atavuga rumwe na leta bemeranya n’ibikubiye muri icyo cyegeranyo, Umunyamakuru Ally Yusuf Mugenzi uyobora iki kiganiro yavuze ko amateka y’u Rwanda agaragaza ko Abatutsi bagize uruhare mu itegurwa rya jenoside yabakorewe.

Umuhutu n’ Umututsi bo mu Rwanda rwo hambere

Abazi gusesengura amateka y’u Rwanda bavuga ko kuva na kera yagiye agorekwa ku nyungu za bamwe, aho bisaba ingufu nyinshi gusobanurira bamwe inkomoko y’ijambo Abahutu, Abatutsi, Abatwa.

Ubusanzwe ubu bwoko bwagaragazaga abantu bitewe n’amikoro-shingiro (classes socials/ social classes) babarizwamo. Iyo umuntu yabaga afite amashyo arenze rimwe (ishyo ni inka zirenga 10 harimo n’ikimasa byibura kimwe) yabaga ari Umututsi, yaba atarabigeraho akaba Umuhutu.

Abahanga mu mateka bagaragaza ko ubusanzwe kuba Umuhutu byabaga bisobanuye ubugaragu bushingiye ku nka ; ibi bivuga ko uwagabirwaga n’Umututsi wese (mu gihe ari umugaragu we) yabaga ari Umuhutu, hanyuma uyu nawe agaharanira kuzamuka mu cyiciro arimo, yaba rero agejeje ku ishyo ndetse agatangira nawe kugabira abandi, akaba ahindutse Umututsi atyo, ibi bakabyita “kwihutura”.

Urugero rworoshye rugaragaza ko Umuhutu byari bisobanuye “uwagabiwe inka kugirango azamuke” ni icyivugo cya Mutara wa III Rudahigwa wagiraga ati “Ndi Umuhutu wa Rwabutogo…” !

Uyu Rwabutogo yari nyirarume wa Rudahigwa kuko yavaga inda imwe na Kankazi, nyina wa Rudahigwa, umugore wa Musinga. Birazwi neza ko abami babaga ari Abatutsi ; bivuga rero ko iki kivugo yagitewe n’uko Rwabutogo yigeze kumugabira ishyo ry’amashashi, ahita abyishimira atangira kujya yiyita Umuhutu wa Rwabutogo.

Ubwo rero kwitwa Umuhutu wa kanaka byasobanuraga ko uwiswe atyo yagabiwe cyangwa azagabirwa, bikamutera ishema, agaharanira kuzamuka ngo nawe azagire Abahutu be ubwo azaba yihutuye (yahindutse Umututsi). Byumvikane neza ko n’Umututsi wagiraga ibyago akabura inka ze cyangwa akanyagwa, yahitaga ahinduka Umuhutu, akazategereza kongera kurebwa neza na shebuja cyangwa akazasoza ubuzima bwe akiri Umuhutu.

Amashirakinyoma ku igorekwa ry’amateka

Abakoloni bageze muri Afurika no mu Rwanda by’umwihariko basanze rubanda rubanye neza, abantu bavuga ururimi rumwe, batabarana, bagasangira akabisi n’agahiye, bazana politiki ya “tubatanye tubashe kubategeka” (diviser pour regner).

Kubera iyo politiki, nibwo bapimye amazuru, bareba abarebare n’abagufi, uruhu rukeye, bareba abafite abafite amazuru y’umutonzi n’abafite apyinagaye bati “Mwe muri Abatutsi, mwe muri Abahutu”, kuva ubwo bifatwa nk’itegeko bijya mu ibuku (icyangombwa cyaje guhinduka indangamuntu nyuma), kuva ubwo byitwa ubwoko.

Aya mateka yaje gutuma bamwe mu bantu bakomoka mu muryango umwe bisanga badahuje ubwoko, aho wasangaga hari abantu bafite umukurambere w’Umututsi bakomokaho ariko bamwe bakaba ari Abatutsi abandi ari Abahutu. Ababiligi babwiwe ko aha babaze nabi cyane, babura uko babihindura kandi ubwoko bwamaze gushyirwa mu ibuku, bagafata Umuhutu wo mu muryango w’Abatutsi bakamujyana mu kandi karere ka kure, agaturayo agatana n’umuryango we atyo.

Inkomoko nyakuri y’icyo Ally Yusuf Mugenzi yise “gukandamiza Abahutu”

Kubera ko abami n’Abatware benshi bari abo mu bwoko bw’Abatutsi, ibi kandi ni ko bimeze nta wabihindura kuko nk’uko nabigarutseho hejuru, Umuhutu (as a concept) byari ubugaragu bushingiye ku nka ; bisobanuye ko Abatutsi ari bo bari ku butegetsi. Umukoroni ahageze ntiyari guhita atangira gutegeka abantu asanze babanye neza dore ko n’ubwumvikane bushingiye ku rurimi bwari ikibazo, kuko byari bibangamiye cyane ya politiki y’abakoloni ya “tubatanye tubashe kubategeka”. Kavamahanga yatangiye gukoresha ubutegetsi bwari buriho kuko yari azi neza ko umwami, shefu, sushefu n’abatware nibavuga ari bwo rubanda rugufi ruzabumva.

Kugirango Ababiligi bazagere ku mugambi wabo, bazanye politiki yo gukoresha Abatutsi ibikorwa bikandamiza Abahutu kuko bari bizeye neza ko ubu buryo bazabwungukiramo, aho bazaba bangisha Abahutu Abatutsi. Ibi kandi ni ko byaje kugenda, ni birebire ntitwabivamo muri iyi nkuru.

Ariko binumvikane neza ko kuva Abakoloni baza, kugeza n’aho baciriye Umwami Yuhi Musinga mu 1931, Umwami w’u Rwanda yari igikoresho kuko nta butegetsi yari afite ku batware. Ukundi kuri ni uko abashefu n’abasushefu batari abakozi b’Umwami kuko bari aba leta y’Abakoloni yabashyiragaho ikabahemba ikaba yanabakuraho igihe cyose ishakiye.

Gusa bwarakeye abakoroni bazana politiki yo guhinga ibihingwa bishya, cyane cyane ibihingwa ngengabukungu n’ibindi byabafashaga mu ntambara harimo ikawa n’imyumbati. Abanyarwanda babanje kubyanga, hanyuma ahagana mu 1933 abazungu bashyiraho ikiboko na shiku, bigashyirwa mu bikorwa n’ibirongozi (soma ibirongoozi) ; aba bari bameze nk’ abayobozi b’utugari b’ubu.

Ibi si abazungu babyikoreraga ubwabo, ahubwo aba batware (ibirongozi) nibo bategekaga abantu (rubanda rugufi…) imirimo y’agahato, ari nako ikiboko kibari ku mugongo. Amateka agaragaza ko igihano cyo gukubita abantu bakuru cyazanywe n’abakoloni uhereye ku Badage, nticyabahago mu Rwanda.

Izina « ikiboko » ubwaryo si Ikinyarwanda. Ikiboko byakomotse mu Giswayire, bikomoka ku nkoni iryana yakorwaga mu ruhu rw’imvubu. Imvubu mu Giswayire yitwa “KIBOKO”. Kugeza n’ubu inkoni ikubita abantu yitwa kiboko mu rurimo rw’Igiswayire.

Uretse gushaka kugoreka amateka, ntibyumvikana ukuntu umutware wari ufite abagaragu, akabatwara neza akabatonesha bwacya akabagabira bagatunga bagakamira abana (ibi bisobanuye neza ko Abatware bakundaga abagaragu babo-Abahutu), bwacya mu gitondo agatangira kubatwaza ikiboko no kubakoresha imirimo y’agahato bitaga shiku ; Oya, igisubizo ni kimwe, ni uko ari abazungu babikoraga ariko bakabikoresha abategetsi- Abatutsi.

Ubusanzwe igihano cyo gukubita cyageraga kuri bose (Abahutu n’Abatutsi) kuko Abazungu bakubitaga abashefu n’abasushefu, kandi bagakubitirwa imbere y’imbaga bayobora hanyuma nabo bagategekwa gukubita rubanda.

Revolisiyo ya 59 yambitse ubusa Abakoroni

Nyuma y’uko Umwami Rudahigwa avumbuye imigambi y’ Abazungu akabereka ko u Rwanda ari urw’Abanyarwanda ko atazemera ikibatanya, baramugambaniye baramuhitana. Abakoloni batangira kwigisha Abahutu ko Abatutsi babakandamije, umugambi bari barateguye bawugeraho bifashishije insoresore z’ Abahutu zari zirangije amashuri.

Igikorwa cya mbere cyabayeho ni uko izi nsoresore zirimo ba Mbonyumutwa wabaye Perezida wa mbere w’u Rwanda na ba Kayibanda zabisamiye hejuru, zihirika ubutegetsi bwa cyami babifashijwemo n’abakoloni. Ubwo umwami Rudahigwa yagwaga ishyanga zishyiraho repubulika nyuma yo kumenesha Kigeli Ndahindurwa wari usimbuye mukuru we.

Kuva ubwo urwango umuzungu yabibye mu muhutu ko Umututsi ari umwanzi we wa mbere rwatangiye kujya ku mugaragaro. Uko abategetsi bagiye bakurikirana ku ngufu dore ko bagiye bakuranwa ku ngoma habayeho kudeta (coup d’etat), batangira gutegura jenoside yaje gushyirwa mu bikorwa bitari umugani guhera muri Mata 1994. Iyo jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi yatangiye iminota cyangwa amasaha make cyane nyuma y’uko Habyarimana Yuvenali wari warafashije intagondwa z’Abahutu kuyitegura yaraswaga akagwa iwe i Kanombe mu Mujyi wa Kigali.

Gupfobya amateka nkana kwa Ally Yusuf Mugenzi

Mu kiganiro Imvo n’Imvano twagarutseho hejuru aha, uwacyumvise wese yabashije kumva uburyo Joseph Karorero yananiwe gusobanurira Mugenzi uburyo ibyo avuga ko Abatutsi bateguye jenoside yabakorewe atari ukuri. Akenshi wasangaga agaruka ku kuba we avuga kuri raporo ya Maina Kiai nk’umunyamategeko yiburanira ko atari umunyamateka. Ibi bigaragaza ko byari bigoye cyane gukura muri Mugenzi icyo yemera muri we.

Igiteye inkeke ni ukuba umunyamakuru w’umwuga ufite uburambe nk’ubwa Mugenzi yatinyuka kuvuga ko Abatutsi bateguye jenoside yabakorewe. Ni ibintu bibabaje kuko bigaragara nko kwirengagiza amateka. Uretse n’ibi kandi, tugarutse ku busobanuro bw’ijambo « gutegura », bisobanura gukora umugambi w’ikintu runaka uzi neza ko uzacyungukiramo mu bihe bizaza. Ese ni gute wategura ikintu uzi ko kizakugiraho ingaruka mbi nyuma ? Ni gute wategura ikintu uzi neza ko ikizavamo ari ukurimburwa kw’abazagukomokaho bose ?

Ibi si ugutegura jenoside, ahubwo byakwitwa ubwiyahuzi, nk’uko utegura kwiturikirizaho igisasu aba yiteguye neza ko nawe kitazamusiga.

Nyuma y’intwaro zikomeye zifashishijwe n’abahakana bakanapfobya jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi zirimo kuvuga ko habaye imyivumbagatanyo hagati y’Abanyarwanda, bwacya bakavuga ko ari jenoside yakorewe Abanyarwanda, bakongera bati habaye jenoside ebyiri, aho Abahutu bishe Abatutsi bwacya Abatutsi nabo bakica Abahutu, ibyavugwaga haruguru biraganisha ku yindi ntwaro y’ubuhakanyi bwa jenoside noneho izanywe no kugaragariza Abanyarwanda, amahanga n’ abo bireba bose ko Abatutsi biteguriye jenoside yabakorewe.

Ni byiza ko inzego zishinzwe kurwanya no kwamagana abapfobya n’abahakana jenoside bafatanyiriza hamwe kwamagana iyi mvugo, hato amateka atagorekwa turebera, ibikomere by’ababuze ababo bigatonekwa n’abatabashakira amahoro.

Ushobora kumva icyo kiganiro Imvo n’Imvano ukanze hano].

Inkomoko

Na: Tom Ndahiro

Hari inyandiko nasohoye mu mpera z’2013 nerekana ko ingengabitekerezo itavukanwa ahubwo yigishwa. Kanda aha uyisome. Mperuka kwandika impuruza nerekana uburyo Ally Yusuf Mugenzi yigaragaje ko yemera ko Abatutsi aribo ba nyirabayazana wa jenoside yabakorewe.

Ibyo nabisobanuye aha nandika uburyo uwo “munyamakuru” w’Imvo n’Imvano yo kuwa gatandatu, tariki ya 12 Nyakanga 2014. Nari nafashe ibyo yavuze mu igice cya mbere gusa cy’icyo kiganiro.

Bibaye ngombwa ko nkomereza ku gice kindi cy’icyo kiganiro ngo nerekane uburyo ibyo bitekerezo bikwizwa hakoreshejwe abantu bagize umwuga wo guhakana no gupfobya jenoside.

Guhuza jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi, n’iby’ubutegetsi bwa mbere no mu gihe cy’ubukoloni byakoreshejwe mu mugambi wo gutegura jenoside. Ni nabyo Faustin Twagiramungu yavugaga mu Imvo n’imvano yo ku itariki 7 Kamena 2014.

Icyo kiganiro cyavugaga ku uruhare rw’abafaransa muri jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi mu Rwanda. TWAGIRAMUNGU, wari umwe mu batumirwa ahanini yaratandukiriye, Ally Yusuf Mugenzi aramwihorera arakomeza. Muri uko gutandukira avuga ko abantu biyibagiza ko ngo Abahutu barenganye ku ngoma ya Cyami bahingira abantu bazima, bagaheka abantu bazima, yewe ngo bakirengagiza n’uko Abahutu aribo bazanye Demokarasi na REPUBULIKA, ngo ahubwo amateka bakayahera mu mwaka wa 1990.

Amajwi y’abatumirwa mu Imvo n’Imvano, afatwa mbere. Kubera ko nari muri iki kiganiro, amajwi yafashwe ku wa 5 Kamena. Nyuma nahamagaye Ally Yusuf Mugenzi mubaza uburyo azashyira mu kiganiro ibyavuzwe na Twagiramungu kandi binyuranye n’insanganyamatsiko yadutumiyemo.

Ally Yusuf Mugenzi yaranshubije ngo umunyapolitiki iyo ahawe ijambo akoresha uwo mwanya gutanga ubutumwa bwe. Naramwumvise. Ibitekerezo bye byaratambutse kandi bari babisangiye kuko nyuma y’ukwezi ibyo Twagiramungu abamwumvise babonyemo gutandukira, nibyo umunyamakuru wa BBC yasubiyemo mu yandi magambo.

Icyo umunyamakuru Ally Yusuf Mugenzi n’umunyapolitiki bahuriyeho ni ingengabitekerezo yemera/ikemeza ko ubutegetsi bw’Abatutsi ariyo nkomoko ya jenoside. Abateguye jenoside nabo nibyo bavugaga.

Si ibisazi ni ingengabitekerezo

Muri icyo kiganiro cyo ku wa 12 Nyakanga, hari aho Karorero Joseph avuga ko hari abaturage batahigwaga muri jenoside bakicwa kubera ko bashowe mu ntambara kubera abategetsi bababeshyaga ko amasasu y’Inkotanyi atica.

Ibi ni uko nabyumvise nkanabyisobanurira kuko Karorero yabivuze atabisobanura neza.

Ally Yusuf Mugenzi yaramubwiye ngo: “Ariko uwo mutegetsi wavuga ngo amasasu ntakora yari umusazi, isasu ni isasu. Hari isasu ridakora; Karorero? Isasu ni isasu.”

Karorero Joseph nawe ati: “Ntabwo nabita abasazi kubera ko ntabajyanye kwa muganga ariko nzi ko imvugo zabo zaganishaga ku busazi…”

Ally Yusuf Mugenzi ashobora kuba atarigeze yumva RTLM n’abantu nka ba Jean Kambanda babeshya abaturage ko buri wese yafata imbunda akarasa.  Icyo kubita abasazi nicyo cyantangaje.

Ku ruhande rumwe kubita abasazi birumvikana kuko kuvuga ibintu bihabanye n’ukuri biranga abarwayi bo mu mutwe.

Niba Ally Yusuf Mugenzi yita umuntu umusazi kubera ko yabeshye abaturage, ni kuki abo avugisha bakabeshya atababonamo abasazi akareka kuvugana nabo? Niba kubeshya abantu yumva bigayitse, bisobanura ko hari ibyo atabonamo ubusazi kubera ko abibona nk’ukuri.

Ibyo binyoma ariko, ndetse bivanze n’ubugome kenshi Ally Yusuf Mugenzi abihitisha mu majwi y’abakwiza ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside. No muri iki kiganiro yarabikoze nkaba ndibwerekane urugero bw’ibyavuzwe n’umuntu umwe gusa. Uwo ni Joseph Matata yari yanatumiye mu kiganiro cyanyujijwe kuri iyo radiyo ku wa 5 Nyakanga.

Ni mu kiganiro yagaragaje ko yamugaruyemo kubera ko ngo uwitwa Byimana Jean Paul yari yifuje kuvugana na Joseph Matata.

Byimana Jean Paul: Komera, komera!

Joseph Matata: Yeee, ukomere, ukomere cyane!

Byimana Jean Paul: Yego, yego, nagerageje gukurikirana ikiganiro mwatanze kuri BBC kuwa gatandatu ushize.

Joseph Matata: Yegoo!

Byimana Jean Paul: Kuri iriya raporo ya Maina hari ahantu yavuze ko atanga ku byerekeranye n’uburenganzira bw’ikiremwamuntu  n’ibindi mu Rwanda, hari aho yaje kuvuga ko ngo mu Rwanda hashobora, niba narabyumvise neza,  cyangwa se habaye ‘double genocide’ cyangwa se tugenekerereje mu rurimi rw’Ikinyarwanda twavuga ko yari ashatse kuvuga ko habaye jenoside ebyiri.

Ally Yusuf Mugenzi:Ariko aho wabyumvise neza Jean Paul, ni byo yavuze? Ko bitarimo, aravuga jenoside ariko ntabwo avuga ebyiri?

Byimana Jean Paul: “Double, double, double génocide’

Ally Yusuf Mugenzi: Matata, warabibonye ibyo ngibyo, hari aho avuga ‘double genocide’?

Joseph Matata: Oya. Ndumva atariko abivuga, avuga yuko abantu ahubwo mu moko yose bapfuye, ariko ntabwo abyita double genocide niba nibuka neza.

Ally Yusuf Mugenzi:Nanjye ni uko nabibonye Jean Paul. Ntabwo avuga ‘double jenoside’ aravuga ko hapfuye abantu ku mpande zombi!

Byimana Jean Paul: Sinzi niba narabikurikiranye neza ariko numvise ijambo risa naho rivuga ‘double genocide’ Matata arivuga sinzi niba narabikurikiranye neza, Matata yatubwira!

Ally Yusuf Mugenzi: Bishobora kuba ari Matata wabivuze, reka tumvumve!

Joseph Matata: Njyewe nkunda gukoresha ‘génocide rwandais’ bitewe n’uko iryo tsembabwoko ryakorewe Abanyarwanda bose bari mu gihugu imbere: Abahutu n’Abatutsi nibo bishwe kandi ibimenyetso tumaze kubona, bigaragara, igitabo nawe ushatse wazagitumaho, hari igitabo cyasohotse vuba aha mu kwezi kwa gatandatu cyitwa mu gifaransa “La guerre mondiale africaine, kirimo ibimenyetso byinshi bigaragaza ukuntu i Bugande hateguriwe itsembabwoko ry’abanyarwanda cyane cyane bo mu bwoko bw’Abahutu kuko byo biranditse ariko Abatutsi bakagomba kuba bazaba ibitambo by’iryo tsembabwoko nk’uko byagaragaye kuko ingabo za ‘Nations Unies’ zari zihari zahise zigendera bigaragara ko ibyago u Rwanda rwagize ntabwo ari Abanyarwanda babifitemo uruhare bonyine harimo n’abanyamahanga bakomoka mu bihugu by’ibihangange ku isi cyane cyane icy’Amerika n’Ubwongereza. Bikaba byaratangajwe ubwa mbere mu mwaka w’2008, bitangajwe n’ishyaka ryarimo Mushayidi Déogratias, baritangamo ubuhamya bwiswe memorandum yahawe Nations Unies, babiha n’ibihugu byinshi binyuranye birimo na Leta zunze ubumwe z’Amerika ari nayo yonyine yabahamagaje, bakabiganiraho amasaha ane, basobanura ko ibyanditsemo bishobora kuba byaba bifite ishingiro bahereye ku mikorere ya za serivise zabo notamment izishizwe igisirikari bita pentagone n’izishizwe iperereza ryitwa CIA.

Igituma mbyita yuko ari jenoside ari itsembabwoko ryakorewe abanyarwanda bari mu gihugu imbere nuko abanyarwanda baturutse hanze cyane cyane abo muri FPR barwanaga nabo bagize uruhare mu bwicanyi bwabaye mu Rwanda haba ari ubwakorewe Abatutsi nk’uko tubibwirwa na Ruzibiza mu kiganiro yatanze kuri radio Ijwi ry’Amerika tariki ya 02/05/2004, hashyize imyaka icumi, asobanura ukuntu mu nterahamwe n’impuzamugambi zicaga Abatutsi hari harimo abasirikare Kagame yari yarashyizemo bashyizwe kwica Abatutsi, nibura badashyizwe no kubatabara. Ibyo ni inyandiko ihari y’Ikinyarwanda, irasobanuye, ufite email yawe nabikoherereza ariko no kuri Voix de l’Amerique birahari na cassette twarazarojisitiye [enregistrer] niwe muntu wa mbere wasobanuye, ariko akoza muri ya magambo y’andi y’ukuntu Abatutsi wenda baturutse hanze ba FPR batari bitaye ku buzima bw’Abatutsi bari mu gihugu imbere kimwe n’ubw’Abahutu kuko na Kayumba Nyamwasa mu kiganiro yatanze kuri radio Itahuka ejobundi ku itariki ya kane, ku munsi wo kwibohoza muri uyu mwaka yaje gutanga imibare nayo navuga y’ikigereranyo ivuga ko kwibohoza mu gihugu cyapfushije Abatutsi bagera ku bihumbi magana inani n’Abahutu barenga miliyoni biciwe mu Rwanda abandi bakicirwa mu mashyamba ya Kongo ko umuntu utavuga ko ari ukwibohoza umaze gupfusha abantu bagera kuri miliyoni imwe n’ibihumbi magana inani.

Byimana Jean Paul: Arakoze cyane umuvandimwe Matata, avuze byinshi cyane …

Joseph Matata: Navuze ko mu nterahamwe zicaga Abatutsi hari harimo abasirikare Kagame yashyizemo, ibyo mvuga Kagame nuko wenda FPR muri icyo gihe wenda ishobora kuba itari ifite ububasha bwo kumenya icyo ingabo zikora.

Byimana Jean Paul: Urakoze cyane, arakoze cyane, avuze ko Interahamwe n’Inkotanyi bagize uruhare mu kwica Abahutu n’Abatutsi …

Joseph Matata: Niba wibuka neza mu Itegeko Nshinga ry’u Rwanda kugeza mu mwaka w’2008 mbere yuko umujuge wo muri Espagne yohereza mandats zo gufata abasirikare b’ibyegera ba Kagame bagize uruhare mu bwicanyi bwakozwe mu Rwanda no muri Kongo bakagira n’uruhare no kwica abasipanyoro bari mu miryango inyuranye itagengwa na leta bari baraje mu Rwanda harimo n’abihaye Imana, itegeko nshinga ryakoreshaga ijambo jenoside y’u Rwanda, ntabwo ryabyitaga ko ari jenoside y’Abatutsi. Izo mpapuro zibafata abasirikare bo muri FPR zimaze gusohoka niho bahinduye mu Rwanda mu mwaka w’2008 bahinduye mu itegeko nshinga bashyiramo jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi.

Ikindi nagusobanurira nuko ibintu byo mu Rwanda ntabwo wavuga ngo hari aho byajyana n’amategeko mpuzamahanga cyangwa byajyana na za theories z’indi  zabayeho ari izashyizeho ruriya rukiko mpuzamahanga mpanabyaha rwa Cour Penale Internationale rukorera i La Haye mu Buholandi.

Ibintu byabaye mu Rwanda ni agahomamunwa: ni bwo bwa mbere umunyarwanda yishe umwana, ni bwo bwa mbere umunyarwanda yishe umugore, akica umuntu utamurwanya, akica umusaza, akica umuntu mu bitaro amusanze mu bitaro cyangwa amusanze mu kiliziya, ni bwo bwa mbere abanyarwanda bakoze ibintu navuga by’ububwa byo kwica abantu badafite icyo babatwaye batavuga ngo bafite intwaro ngo barabarwanya ibyo bikaba byarakozwe rero ntabwo wajya kuvuga ngo mu Rwanda bakora intambara nta mategeko bubahirizaga kuko iyo bayubahiriza nta munyarwanda uba warapfuye arengana azira ubwoko bwe nk’uko byagenze.

Ikindi cya kabiri ni uko abasikare bo muri FPR batera mu Rwanda bari bashishikajwe no gufata ubutegetsi. Wavuze uti ‘tuve mu ntuza za  politiki’ ariko ubwicanyi bwabaye mu Rwanda ntabwo wabutandukanya n’inyungu za politiki kuko Interahamwe zari zarimo Abahutu n’Abatutsi abo bantu bose bagiye bica Abatutsi bakica n’abandi bahutu no mu nkotanyi hari harimo Abahutu, harimo Abahutu bake mu basirikare b’Inkotanyi nabo bagize uruhare mu kwica ari Abatutsi ari n’abandi bahutu urumva rero ko ubishyize hamwe ntabwo wavuga ko hari logique yabaye mu bwicanyi bwabaye mu Rwanda.

Byimana Jean Paul: Ngira ngo uvuze ku bintu byinshi ariko nashoboye kugerageza gufatamo ibintu bine nshaka ko twibutsanya tukabivugaho: watangiye uvuga ngo itegeko nshinga ry’u Rwanda kugeza mu mwaka w’2008 ryemeraga ko habaye jenoside y’abanyarwanda aho ngaho turajyanye kugira ngo ngire icyo mbivugaho?

Joseph Matata: Yeee. Wagira icyo ubivugaho!

Byimana Jean Paul: Ubundi Itegeko nshinga n’andi mategeko yandi burya kenshi aremwa n’ibitekerezo by’abantu…

Akandi kantu gato navugaho, ka nyuma, wavuze ngo mu nterahamwe harimo harimo Abahutu n’Abatutsi, urongera uvuga uti ‘no mu nkotanyi naho harimo Abahutu n’Abatutsi’ nyine icyo ni ikibazo niba mu nterahamwe harimo Abahutu n’Abatutsi  no mu nkotanyi hakaba harimo Abahutu n’Abatutsi noneho ukavuga ngo bishe abanyarwanda. Abo banyarwanda uvuga bishe ni bande? Ko nabo ubwabo ari abanyarwanda? Abo ushaka kuvuga ko bishwe nk’abanyarwanda ni bande batari abo ngabo bari mu bahutu n’Abatutsi? Noneho ukongera ukabihindura ukavuga ngo bishe abanyarwanda. Abahe?

Joseph Matata: Abahoze mu  gihugu imbere.

Byimana Jean Paul: Bwana Matata, hari ikintu kimwe abantu batagakwiye kujya bitirinya cyane, reka nse nk’ujya mu ruhande rwawe mvuge ku byo urimo kuvuga. Biramutse aribyo koko Interahamwe harimo Abahutu n’Abatutsi n’Inkotanyi zarimo Abahutu n’Abatutsi bakaba aribo bose hamwe barafashe icyemezo cyo kwica abanyarwanda bari bari mu gihugu ariko n’Interahamwe nazo zari ziri mu gihugu ntabwo zari ziri hanze?

Joseph Matata: N’Inkotanyi nazo zari zarakinjiyemo, nazo zari ziri mu gihugu. Nonese Abadage bajya kwica abayahudi ntabwo bishe abayahudi bakomokamo mu bwoko nabo abayahudi b’abadage barishwe, bica n’abayahudi bari mu Burayi mu bihugu binyuranye. Wenda ayo mategeko mpuzamahanga bayashyizeho bitwaje ibyari bimaze kuba by’aba Nazi bica abayahudi mu burayi bwose hano. Ibyo mu Rwanda byo biravangavanze, iryo vangavanga ryabyo ni naryo rituma bitabonerwa umuti nyuma y’imyaka 20 kubera ko harimo guhisha ibintu byinshi cyane.

Byimana Jean Paul: Hari akantu gato nshaka kugira ngo tugarukeho, hari ibihugu by’ibihangage wavuze ko byateguye ubwicanyi cyangwa se jenoside y’Abanyarwanda kuko bari bagambiriye gufata u Rwanda bagakoresha Abanyarwanda bari mu Buganda, ndagira ngo  uhuze iyo link, sinzi uko nabivuga mu kinyarwanda, mumfashe!

Ally Yusuf Mugenzi:Isano

Byimana Jean Paul: Nagira ngo uhuze uwo mugambi abanyaburayi cyangwa se abanyamahanga bateguye, ibihugu bikomeye, bakabicisha ku banyarwanda bari bari hanze, noneho uwo mugambi ukaza gufata n’abanyarwanda bari bari imbere mu gihugu b’Interahamwe z’Abahutu n’Abatutsi noneho uwo mugambi ugambiriye kwica abanyarwanda ‘tout simplement’ kuko iyo uvuze kwica abanyarwanda ni ukuvuga ngo n’abo ngabo barimo. Ndagira ngo ubifate, ubihuze, utwereke uburyo habayeho iyo ‘connection’, hakabaho guhuza ibyo bintu noneho byarangiza bikitwa ko hari umugambi ukomeye wo kwica abanyarwanda kuko niwo wari mugambi wari ukomeye wo kwica abanyarwanda kwari ukurimbura abanyarwanda bavaho, u Rwanda rugaturwa n’abandi bantu.

Joseph Matata: Icyo nashakaga kumubwira, nashakaga kumubwira ko bitagombye kumutangaza. Ku bantu nkatwe tumaze imyaka 20 dushakashaka icyatumye ubwicanyi ndengakamere bumera kuriya mu Rwanda, tumaze kubona inyungu ibihugu bimwe by’amahanga n’abantu bamwe ku giti cyabo bashyiramo ingufu zo gutuma mu Rwanda hataboneka igisubizo cy’amahoro ni ibyumvikana yuko bagikomeje kugira inyungu ko abanyarwanda bakomeza gushirira ku icumu kuko ntabwo kuraswa cyangwa se gutemwa n’imihoro ntabwo ari byo byica  byonyine n’inzara irica n’indwara irica kandi ibyo ngibyo urabibona ko n’ubu mu gihugu cyacu bigihari.

Ally Yusuf Mugenzi:Mwese muse n’abarangiza, muvuga ibitekerezo mwumva bikomeye bya nyuma kuko niyo minota ya nyuma mbahaye, Jean Paul!

Byimana Jean Paul: Ndagira ngo mbere y’uko ntanga igitekerezo cya nyuma mbanze mvuge ku cyo…urebye kuvuga ko abanyarwanda, abenegihugu bakorerwa jenoside ntabwo bishoboka ko bayikorerwa abenegihugu bayikorera abandi benegihugu ngo byitwe ko ari jenoside y’abenegihugu. Ibyo ku rwego mpuzamahanga ntabwo bishobora. Iyo ni imvugo ya politiki wenda ariko mu buryo bw’amategeko, ntabwo bishoboka ko abenegihugu bakorera abandi benegihugu jenoside ngo yitwe ko ari jenoside y’abenegihugu, nshatse kuvuga abanyarwanda. Ibyo ntabwo byashoboka. Iyo uvuga ngo abanyarwanda ngo barimo gukorerwa biriya, ese iyo urebye ubona ari ku ruhande rumwe ruri kubikorerwa? Niba ari uruhande rumwe ruri kubikorerwa rero, akaba ari abantu bose bari kubikorerwa, ndashaka kuvuga amako yose, ntabwo icyo gihe byakitwa ko ari jenoside irimo gukorerwa abanyarwanda ku rwego rw’amategeko ahubwo byakwitwa ko ari ibindi byaha biri gukorwa ariko ntabwo byakwitwa ko ari jenoside iri gukorerwa abanyarwanda, ikorwa n’abandi banyarwanda ku rwego mpuzamahanga ibyo bintu ntabwo ntibishoboka rwose bwana Matata.

Joseph Matata: Nibyo nakubwiye ko urwego mpuzamahanga rwagendeye ku byabaye ku Abayahudi kuko ari bo bari bibasiwe n’aba-Nazi bashaka kubatsemba m’Uburayi hose ariko twebwe mu Rwanda, nk’uko nabikubwiye, n’ibimenyetso bimaze kugenda bigaragara, naguhaye icyo gitabo cyitwa “La guerre mondiale africaine” ariko hari n’ubushakashatsi Professeur Kambanda Charles yakoranye n’abaprofesseurs b’abanyamerika babiri: Christian Davenport na Allan Stam babikoze guhera muri 98 bari muri Universite y’u Rwanda, uwo muvandimwe wanjye Jean Paul azajye kureba kuri site y’abo baprofesseurs b’abanyamerika birukanwe mu Rwanda mu kwezi kwa cumi na kumwe mu mwaka w’2003, iyo ugiye kuri site yabo yitwa genodynamic.com, uhita ubonaho amakuru yose ajyanye y’ibyabaye mu Rwanda n’ukuntu ubwicanyi bwagiye bwiyongera bitewe n’uko intambara y’Inkotanyi yagendaga ifata umurego, uko byagendaga bigenda bakurikirana, ugasanga abari bibasiwe ari Abahutu n’Abatutsi bo mu gihugu imbere basaga n’abicwa n’ingabo z’amahanga kuko Interahamwe nazo zari zitwaye k’ingabo z’amahanga kuko zishe abandi banyarwanda nyine kandi zibarimo, urumva!

Ally Yusuf Mugenzi:Ikindi kintu wavuze nari nzi ko Jean Paul ari bukubaze ariko ntabwo yakubajije ariko ndumva ari byiza ko nanjye nakikubaza kuko nabikurikiye: wavuze ubuhamya bwa Ruzibiza ariko nyuma yo kwivuguruza, ubuhamya bwa Ruzibiza hari abavuga ko budakunze kugira imbaraga kubera ko ibyo yavuze nyuma yaje kubivuguruza?

Joseph Matata: Mbere yo kwitaba Imana yongeye kubihamya, yasigiye inyandiko abacamanza b’Abafaransa yemera ko ibyo yanditse mu gitabo cye n’ibyo yavuze mu biganiro binyuranye ko abigarutseho, ko yari yaratewe ubwoba, ko bari baramukozeho pression yo kumunaniza ariko si nawe wenyine, n’uwitwa Ruyenzi, wahoze ari mu barinda Kagame nawe yagiye kubivuga mu rubanza rwa Arusha. Ibyo ni ibimenyetso ushobora kugenda ukabona ku rubuga rw’urukiko mpuzamahanga rwa Arusha rusobanura ukuntu abasirikare bo muri  FPR bagize uruhare mu kwica Abatutsi mu Rwanda, ‘evidemment’ no kwica n’Abahutu.

Kanda aha wumve icyo kiganiro

Umwanzuro

Uri umunyamakuru muzima ntushobora guhitisha ibitekerezo nk’ibyo Joseph Matata yavuze muri iki kiganiro. Harimo kubeshya bikabije no gushyigikira jenoside birenze kwemera. Iyo wumva iki kiganiro usanga uwagiteguye,Ally Yusuf Mugenzi, yaryohewe no kumva urwo ruganda rw’ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside rukora.

Nahisemo kwandukura ibyavuzwe ndetse byinshi byo Matata yavuze mbishyiramo nkuko bimeze kugirango abantu babyisomere.

Biracyaza….

Na: Tom Ndahiro

Nashoje inyandiko nise Mu Imvo n’Imvano ya BBC-Gahuzamiryango ngo nta Jenoside yigeze ikorerwa Abatutsi mbararikira gukomeza.

Muri iyo nerekanye aho Joseph Matata asobanura ko jenoside yabazwa FPR, Abanyamerika n’Abongereza. Kuba uyobora ikiganiro yarabyumvise, akabishimira ubivuze, akabihitisha nyuma y’iminsi ibiri ni ishyano.

Ibi byo kugereka jenoside ku bandi batari abayikoze si bishya kuri BBC-Gahuzamiryango. Mu Imvo n’Imvano yo ku wa 7 Kamena uwitwa Jean Marie Vianney NDAGIJIMANA yahakanye ko ngo abafaransa batagize uruhare muri Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi anavuga ko abafite uruhare muri iyo jenoside ari umuryango FPR.

Jean Marie Vianney NDAGIJIMANA yavuze ko ngo atari byiza kujya abanyarwanda bafata Jenoside ngo bayitirire amahanga cyane ngo Abafaransa ngo kuko abagize uruhare mu iyicwa ry’Abatutsi  ari abanze ko amahanga atabara, ngo kandi uwabyanze ni FPR.

NDAGIJIMANA ngo ntabwo Ubufaransa bwigeze butegura Jenoside ngo ahubwo nibwo bwashakaga ko amahanga atabara maze FPR irabyanga. Bityo ngo impamvu u Rwanda rwikoma Ubufaransa ni uko arirwo rwanze ko amahanga atabara, ngo rukananga kwiteranya na Amerika kubera ariyo  yafashaga FPR.

Aha, Jean Marie Vianney NDAGIJIMANA akaba ahuza na Joseph Matata ko abafite uruhare muri jenoside ari FPR n’Abanyamerika.

Ally Yusuf Mugenzi, yagombye kuba azi ko hashize imyaka 8 (16 Kamena 2006) Urugereko rw’ubujurire rwa ICTR rwemeje ko mu Rwanda hari jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi kandi ko nta muntu ukwiye kubijyaho impaka. Ku itariki 20 Kamena 2006 urwo rukiko rwasohoye itangazo rigenewe abanyamakuru rivuga uwo mwanzuro. Kanda aha urisome

“…between 6 April 1994 to 17 July 1994: there were throughout Rwanda widespread or systematic attacks against a civilian population based on Tutsi ethnic identification. During the attacks, some Rwandan citizens killed or caused serious bodily or mental harm to person[s] perceived to be Tutsi. As a result of the attacks, there were a large number of deaths of persons of Tutsi ethnic identity; Between 6 April 1994 and 17 July 1994 there was genocide in Rwanda against Tutsi ethnic group.”

Nta kuntu Ally Yusuf Mugenzi ataba azi icyo cyemezo ngo bimufashe gutesha agaciro ibivugwa n’abatumirwa be babiba urwango. Ndabimutuye azongere avuge ngo ntarizi

Ibyo Ally Yusuf Mugenzi n’abatumirwa be bashyigikira ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside bavuga ni amahano. Nibaza ko abayobozi ba BBC badashyigikiye kuko ibivugirwa mu zindi ndimi numva nk’icyongereza n’igifaransa bitagira iyo ngengabitekerezo.

Joseph Matata yuririra ku bujiji cyangwa kutamenya kw’abantu akabacamo igikuba ngo uburozi akwiza akoresheje radio BBC burananditswe mu bitabo. Agatanga urugero rw’igitabo La guerre mondiale africaine.

Nkuko abahakanyi ba jenoside babikora, ntiyavuga ngo ni nde wacyanditse. Icyo gitabo La guerre mondiale africaine cyanditswe n’uwitwa Noël Ndanyuzwe ugomba kuba ari umuntu ugira icyo ahuriyeho n’abajenosideri.

Uyu Noël Ndanyuzwe  mushyize muri icyo cyiciro, kuko igitabo cye cyacapwe na Editions Sources du Nil y’uwitwa Dr. Eugene Shimamungu uzwi cyane mu kwamamaza urwango ku Abatutsi.

Iryo capiro rizwi ku gucapisha ibitabo by’abajenosideri bazwi nka Ferdinand Nahimana, Augustin Ngirabatware na Edouard Karemera, n’abagishakishwa nka Faustin Ntilikina na Protais Mpiranya.

Hari n’abandi baba muri ako gatsiko nka Juvenal Rutumbu, Innocent Nsengimana, Emmanuel Neretse bacapiwe ibitabo na Editions Sources du Nil.

Igitabo kitavuga neza abajenosideri cyangwa ngo gipfobye amateka nta mwanya kibona muri iyi nzu. Ubu kuli Gahuzamiryango icyo gitabo cyaramamajwe. Ibi nari narabyanditse mu nyandiko nise Abambari n’impirimbanyi za Politiki Gica

Soma kandi Abarwanya ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside mu Rwanda nibibande ku mvugo za ba Mugenzi wa @bbcgahuza n’abavuganira FDLR

Igikwiye gukorwa

Igihe kirageze ko abantu barwanya jenoside bahaguruka bagahagarara bakarwanya iyi nkubiri imaze igihe.

Kwandika ko Abanyamakuru ba Radiyo BBC-Gahuzamiryango na VOA (mu kinyarwanda) bakwiza ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside si ubwa mbere. Bimaze igihe. Itandukaniro riri hagati ya Editions Sources du Nil ya Eugene Shimamungu n’aya maradiyo ni rito cyane. Bamwe bashyira mu bitabo abandi mu majwi.

Abantu benshi bagiye bemera kuvugira kuri iyo radiyo bibaza ko hari ikizahinduka ariko ikigaragar ni uko aho guhinduka biba byiza birushaho kuba bibi.

Inzira yoroshye yo kubirwanya ni ukurekera ayo maradiyo abahakana jenoside akaba ari bo babazwa bakanasubiza.

Umuntu wese wumva ko kurwanya ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside, ntakwiye kwemera gusubiza ibibazo cyangwa kujya mubiganiro mpaka by’abo banyamakuru kuko gukomeza kwemera kuvugana na BBC-Gahuzamiryango cyangwa VOA ni uguteza imbere ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside. Keretse bahinduye umurongo.

Ibi ndabivuga ku mpamvu zikurikira natekereje bihagije:

1. Abakwiza ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside, harimo n’abapfobya cyangwa abahakana icyo cyaha, ni abantu badaterwa isoni no kubeshya no kubeshyera. Banga ukuri kandi ntibumva ukuri. Kwiyumvisha ko wahanyanyaza ukabasobanurira bakumva, ni uguta igihe no guha urubuga ijwi ryabo. Imisatsi ya ba Joseph Matata, JMV Ndagijimana na Ally Yusuf Mugenzi irahinduka kubera kuzamo imvi ariko ibitekerezo byabo bikaguma uko biri.
2. Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi ntigibwaho impaka. Kwemera kujya impaka n’umuntu utayemera cyangwa uwemera ko cyari igikorwa cya ngombwa ni ukubiha agaciro n’abayihakana no gutoneka ibikomere by’abo jenoside yakomerekeje. Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi byemezwa n’umuryango w’abibumbye, urukiko mpuzamahanga mpanabyaha rwashyiriweho u Rwanda (ICTR), byemezwa n’umuntu wese ufite ubwenge n’umutima uha agaciro inyokomuntu.
3. Kuvugira ku miyoboro y’itangazamakuru iha agaciro ibitekerezo bibiba urwango ku mugaragaro, ni uguha agaciro ibyo bitekerezo no kubitera inkunga. Iyo wemeye kujya impaka nabo baba bageze kucyo bashaka. Icyari ukuri kigahinduka ikintu gishidikanywaho.
4. Kwemera kujya impaka ku kintu nka jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi ni ukugira uruhare mu guteza urujijo mu bantu kuko hari abatangira kwibaza niba ibyo abajenosideri n’ababashyigikiye bitaba ari ibyo!
5. Kwemera  kujya impaka n’abihaye inshingano yo kwica ukuri byenda kuba nk’ubufatanyacyaha. Icyo abo bantu baba bashaka ni ukumvikana ko nabo bafite agaciro. Mu 1994 hishwe Abatutsi barenga miliyoni. Ubu ayo maradiyo avuga ikinyarwanda yibasiye ukuri n’amateka.
6. Kwanga kujya impaka cyangwa kwiyima abahakana jenoside n’abatera inkunga abitekerezo by’urwango, si twe twaba tubikoze bwa mbere. Ushaka kumenya ko hari abandi babikoze kuva kera yasoma igice cya mbere (Chapter I) cy’igitabo cya Deborah Lipstadt cyitwa DENYING THE HOLOCAUST: The Growing Assault on Truth and Memory. Kanda aha ubone icyo gitabo
7. Umuntu wese wumva uburemere bwa jenoside, asobanukirwa impamvu leta y’u Rwanda n’abanyarwanda benshi batemera gushyikirana na FDLR. Ariko, kenshi abantu bavugira FDLR cyangwa bifatanyije nayo bavugira kuri BBC-Gahuzamiryango na VOA. Ayo maradiyo yabahaye agaciro n’ijambo ngo ‘nk’abatavuga rumwe na leta”– uwakoze jenoside n’uwayihagaritse bagashyirwa ku rwego rumwe. Ngo ni ugushimangira ihame ryo kumva impande zombi/both sides?

8. Kwemera kujya mu kiganiro mpaka n’abajenosideri ni ukwishyira hasi cyane. Guhakana no gupfobya jenoside bifatwa nk’umuyoboro wo gukwiza urwango rwaganisha no ku kurimbura abantu. Niyo mpamvu n’igihugu cy’ubufaransa kijya guhana abahakana n’abapfobya jenoside yakorewe abayahudi bemeje ko bijyana n’urwango. Babivuze neza ngo “… constituent une forme subtile de l’antisémitisme contemporain”/constitute “a subtle form of contemporary anti-semitism”. Icyo kintu cy’urwango kikaba kitarengerwa n’amategeko y’Uburenganzira bwa Muntu bwo kugira ibitekerezo no kubigaragaza. Iki kikaba ari icyemezo cyafashe n’Umuryango w’Abibumbye mu 1996 mu rubanza Robert Faurisson yaregagamo ubufaransa. Ubishaka yabisoma muri Robert Faurisson v. France, Communication No. 550/1993, U.N. Doc. CCPR/C/58/D/550/1993(1996)
9. Nta gihombo kinini BBC-Gahuzamiryango n’abandi bakora nkabo bagumanye ba Matata na Twagiramungu n’abandi nk’abo, kuko ibintu byaba bisobanutse kurushaho. Kwitiranwa n’abakoze ishyano bakinaritekereza ni ukwiyambura agaciro.

Ibi bikozwe byagira icyo bimara cyakora sibyo byonyine. Yaba ari intango gusa. Icyakurikira ni ugukora ubushakashatsi hakerekanwa network yabo. Tutabitangiriye hafi, dore ko bangije byinshi byazaruhanya.

Ku giti cyanjye niko mbitekereza.

More than 400 former Tanzanian soldiers have threatened to sue the government to demand unpaid dues totalling more than $3 million for their role in the war-torn Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between 2000 and 2003.

The Tanzania People’s Defence Forces ex-soldiers claimed that they were recruited to serve as military trainers and combatants with the Congolese army but were instead dispatched to Katanga Province and South Kivu upon their arrival in the country, to fight anti-Rwanda militants Interahamwe and Burundian rebels Forces Pour la Defense de la Democratie (FDD).

Tanzanian soldiers account for more than a third of the 3,069 troops in the United Nations’ Force Intervention Brigade (FIB), which was formed in May last year to fight the then active M23 rebels in DRC.

Reliable sources confirmed that the government had tried to negotiate with the soldiers but the parties failed to reach an agreement on the matter.

The ex-servicemen claim that the government sent two high-ranking military officers and the chairman of the Democratic Party, Rev Christopher Mtikila, to recruit them as a covert force.

This followed a quick withdrawal of a battalion of serving soldiers that had been deployed in Congo at the request of then president Joseph Desire Kabila. Apparently, the soldiers were pulled out after it was realised that overt Tanzanian military intervention in Congo without the sanction of the UN would have raised eyebrows.

Speaking on behalf of the soldiers, Capt (Rtd) Humphrey Felix Kakala said the group had been negotiating with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation for more than a decade over the outstanding payments but the government had failed to fulfill its promises.

Foreign Affairs Permanent Secretary John Haule referred The EastAfrican to the minister, Bernard Membe, who was however unreachable by press time.

Capt (Rtd) Kakala said the group also wanted the government to facilitate the return of the remains of Warrant Officer Stanley Mwakapala from DRC for reburial at home.

This was after the government helped to ferry to the country the body of Col Ale Kyungu, who they said was among the senior officers who recruited them but died in the war zone in Congo in 2003.

He added that it was agreed in the contracts the soldiers signed with Col Kyungu — whom they understood to have been sent by the then-Chief of Defence Forces General Robert Mboma — that officers would be paid $500 and junior ranks $400 per week while their families would get a $100 monthly subsistence allowances.

Mission was secret

The soldiers have alleged that the payments were never made for the more than two years that they served in the DRC.

“After returning from DRC, we were accused of leaving the country without the government’s knowledge,” Capt (Rtd) Kakala said. “But we told them that the entire process was co-ordinated by the Chief of the Defence Forces and it was not possible that the government wasn’t aware.

“The case was presented to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation when President Jakaya Kikwete was the minister and his assistants promised that we would be paid.”

The soldiers were told that the mission to recruit them and dispatch them to DRC was secret because the government did not want the international community to know it was sending troops to DRC, according to Capt (Rtd) Kakala.

He further said that their contracts showed that they were recruited as trainers in Lubumbashi; however, one detachment was sent to the town of Pweto in Katanga Province to fight the FDD and another to South Kivu to battle the Interahamwe immediately after they arrived in DRC.

“Generals co-ordinated the recruitment process and they warned us against telling anybody,” Capt (Rtd) Kakala added. “Most of us were unemployed, so we agreed to the deal.

“We met with Col Kyungu at Kidongo Chekundu on September 22, 2000 to discuss the deal and the first battalion left two days later.”

Rev Mtikila confirmed that the soldiers had not been paid and that they had threatened to sue him because of his links to the recruitment. He nonetheless said the military requested him to help facilitate the deployment as he was closely involved in the peace process in the Great Lakes region.

However, Rev Mtikila said he was certain that the Congolese government had paid the soldiers through TPDF and he suspected that the money was stolen by unscrupulous military officers.

“The government promised to pay them because they wanted to avoid embarrassment if it were ever revealed that the generals pocketed the money instead of paying the soldiers. I fully support the ex-soldiers.

“I also plan to sue both the Tanzanian and DRC governments at the International Human Rights Court,” said Rev Mtikila.

In a letter dated September 14, 2001, the clergyman complained to General Robert Mboma that the military officer had violated the agreement between the Tanzanian recruitment team and Selemani Kabila, George Fundi and Colonel Mulubi by not providing $29,167 for the soldiers’ wives

Source

“At the time of the genocide and immediately afterwards, perpetrators, victims and international observers were crying for justice. Women fought a war without guns.”

As the world looks on in horror at the bloodshed in Gaza, Mary Gahonzire brings a unique perspective to the role of women in peacemaking and reconciliation. Gahonzire is deputy commissioner of the Rwanda Correctional Service, which runs prisons in the country that 20 years ago was torn apart by 100 days of killing.

More than 800,000 people were killed. But Gahonzire says women were crucial in bringing an end to the violence and in building the post-genocide peace, despite thousands of women not only being widowed but then having to live alongside the people who had carried out the killing. “Women played a critical role as civic negotiators,” says Gahonzire. For a decade after the genocide Rwanda used a form of justice called gacaca, or village courts, named after the grass on which they were held, and 45% of the mediators in these open public trials were women, she says.

“Government was at a crossroads. We had to do something,” says Gahonzire. “Our traditional gacaca system was good because it was participatory. Somebody would come up and report her husband. Someone would come and stand witness against his father. That was a challenge, but they reconciled. We were finding that what divides us is much smaller than what unites us.”

The need for change, post-genocide, also led women like Gahonzire to consider a career in criminal justice. “Many of us, whether young or old Rwandans, realised the need to liberate our country. We had to look for a way to do that and that’s how many of us joined these services,” she explains. Women now account for half of the country’s supreme court judges, 19% of the Rwandan police force, 15% of the army and 20% in Gahonzire’s own correctional service.

As a comparison, in England and Wales in 2012, 27.3% of police officers were female, but only 9.4% of British soldiers were women.

Twenty years on from the genocide, Rwanda has made huge strides, socially and economically, but the country is still battling to combat gender-based violence. Gahonzire acknowledges this, but says there have been a number of changes, many of which she attributes to having more women in the criminal justice system. They include the introduction of a one-stop centre in the capital, Kigali, where female victims can access comprehensive, free services, including medical, legal and police support.

Gahonzire says there is equal effort going into both prevention and getting convictions, based on greater understanding of the need for evidence. “You need the evidence necessary for a case, so it’s not thrown out of court. That means sensitising the community, so they know which bits and pieces of evidence they are going to collect,” she explains. “If you sensitise a victim of gender-based violence, the child will not wash her panty, for example.”

Gahonzire is convinced that having more women in the criminal justice system is bringing about change through community policing programmes and initiatives like the support centre. “These are the seeds planted in Rwanda and slowly, consistently, we see them bearing fruit,” she says.

The question for senior Rwandan leaders is whether women can hold on to the gains they have made in leadership over the past 20 years. While Rwanda is renowned for having more female MPs than men, many of the female parliamentarians at the recent Women in Parliaments conference in the country noted that too often they become deputies rather than heads of organisations – and Gahonzire knows this first hand. She was formerly commissioner general of the National Prisons Service. But when the service was recreated, a move she completely endorses, to become the Rwanda Correctional Service, Gahonzire got the number two job. The head of the service is now a man.

Source

Na: Tom Ndahiro

Mu Kinyarwanda bavuga ngo “Ushaka gukira indwara arayirata”. Uko kurata bavuga si ukurata byo gushima cyangwa kwogeza. Muri iyo mvugo isa n’iy’igisigo, kurata bivugwa muri uwo mugani bisobanura kutabana indwara ngo uyihererane ibe ibanga ryawe.

Kugirango urwaye atabarwe cyangwa avurwe ikimubabaje ni uko atagomba kugihisha ngo kimuture ku mutima gusa. Hari uwo ugomba kubwira indwara byanze bikunze. Mubo umurwayi agomba kubwira harimo nibura umuganga, kandi ari rubanda.

Icyo uyu mugani usobanura ni uko iyo ikibazo kitagaragajwe hakiri kare kirakura. Iyo gikuze birarushya kukibonera umuti mu buryo bworoshye, kandi akenshi kikanateza n’ibindi bibazo.

Ubushize ku irariki ya 16 Nyakanga nanditse inyandiko yerekana uburyo Ally Yusuf Mugenzi wa BBC-Gahuzamiryango yemera kandi akamamaza ko ngo ‘Abatutsi Bagize Uruhare mu Gutegura Jenoside’ yabakorewe mu Rwanda.

Iyo nyandiko yari iigamije kugaragariza abantu ibyo uwo Ally Yusuf Mugenzi yemera, akanatinyuka kubivugira ku mugaragaro, muri  radiyo yubashywe nka BBC nta soni nta n’inkomanga ku mutima.

Muri iyo nyandiko nkaba narasezeranyije abasomyi ko nzakurikizaho kwerekana ko iyo mvugo ya Ally Yusuf Mugenzi yo mu mwaka w’2014, idafite isano gusa, ahubwo ko ifite inkomoko mu bantu bahamagariye Abahutu gutsemba Abatutsi. Imvugo zabayeho mbere cyane y’uw’1994.

Hari n’indi nyandiko nerekanye aho umutumirwa we Joseph Matata ahakana ko jenoside itakorewe Abatutsi ko ahubwo hari jenoside yateguriwe muri Uganda kumara abanyarwanda. Nabyo, nkuko abisangiye na Ally Y. Mugenzi si bishya. Nabyo bifite inkomoko mbere ya Mata 1994.

Baratera bakiyikiriza

Ari Ally Yusuf Mugenzi ari na Joseph Matata, bahuriye ku gitekerezo cyo guhakana ko jenoside itakorewe Abatutsi ahubwo ari iy’Abanyarwanda bose.

Mu gihe Ally Yusuf Mugenzi ayita “jenoside yabaye muri mirongo icyenda na kane” Matata akayita ‘Genocide Rwandais’ cyangwa ‘jenoside nyarwanda’.

Nkuko nabyerekanye nibutsa ko ari Loni ari n’urukiko mpuzamahanga rw’uwo muryango (ICTR) rwabyemeje, bombi babivuga bazi neza ko babeshya kubera ingengabitekerezo.

Mugenzi ashimangira ko ubutegetsi bw’Abatutsi n’ubwami bwabo aribwo soko ya jenoside. Uwo munyamakuru ubimazemo hafi imyaka 35, akanagaruka ku gitekerezo ko abandi bafite uruhare umuri iyo jenoside ari abateye intambara ndetse bakomoka kubo Revolisiyo y’1959 yakuye ku butegetsi.

Joseph Matata aramwikiriza akavuga ko jenoside yatewe na FPR n’abandi banyamahanga bibasiye abanyarwanda. Mu kimwaro akanavuga ko ngo n’interahamwe zari nk’abanyamahanga ngo kuko zishe abo atavuga izina.

Muri icyo kiganiro cyabaye intandaro y’izi nyandiko, hari aho ngaruka Joseph Matata avuga ngo “Ibintu byabaye mu Rwanda ni agahomamunwa: ni bwo bwa mbere umunyarwanda yishe umwana, ni bwo bwa mbere umunyarwanda yishe umugore, akica umuntu utamurwanya, akica umusaza, akica umuntu mu bitaro amusanze mu bitaro cyangwa amusanze mu Kiliziya, ni bwo bwa mbere abanyarwanda bakoze ibintu navuga by’ububwa byo kwica abantu badafite icyo babatwaye batavuga ngo bafite intwaro ngo barabarwanya… Ikindi cya kabiri ni uko abasikare bo muri FPR batera mu Rwanda bari bashishikajwe no gufata ubutegetsi.”

Icyo kintu cyitwa “agahomamunwa” kikanitwa “ububwa” ahanini nicyo gitera abarimo Mugenzi na Matata ipfunwe rivanze n’ubugome bikabyara kwihambira ku ngengabitekerezo yateye ako gahomamunwa n’ububwa.

Mu mvugo ya Matata nta hantu avuga abakoze ubwo bugome abo ari bo. Agasimbuka mu kanwa hakazamo FPR mu buryo bwihuse. Uko gutaruka byo gutandukira byirinda kugaragaza ukuri kw’ukwiye kubarwaho icyo cyaha cyo kwica abatabarwanya n’abarwayi. Agahishira abo bishe abana, abasaza ndetse n’abasazi.

Ari Ally Yusuf Mugenzi ari na Joseph Matata, banga kuvuga ko hari jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi ku mpamvu navuga ko yumvikana. Biterwa ni uko bavuze ko koko yabaye,  banagomba kuvuga  mu izina abayikoze.

Ururimi ni ubwenge bwabo bagomba kubuyobya, kuko bavuze mu izina abo bantu bakoze jenoside irimo ubugome Matata avuga ko ari “agahomamunwa” bikaba “ububwa” babura amahoro kuko biyumvamo.

Kugirango bagire amahoro igisubizo ni ukubihakana, bagahitamo kwizirika ku ngengabitekerezo yabyaye ubwo bugome bw’agahomamunwa n’ububwa.

Nka Mugenzi nzi neza ko atari ahari mu gihe cya jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi mu 1994. Ahishira ubugome n’abagome babukoze mu rwego rwo kwifatanya nabo (solidarity) kurwanya ikimwaro.

Ikindi gisubizo babonye ni uguhinduriza amateka. Uwakorewe icyaha akitwa umugome, akitwa nyirabayazana w’ubugome bw’agahomamunwa.

Urwo rujijjo batera rugira ingaruka zitari nke ku bato badafite aho bahuriye n’ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside, batanazi ni uko yakuze. Aho kwigisha ukuri kuri mu mateka y’igihugu cy’u Rwanda, bagatera urwijiji rwongera ubujiji n’ubugome.

Bafite ababarengera

Hari inkuru yanditswe n’Igihe.com bise “Imvugo ya Ally Yusuf Mugenzi ko Abatutsi bateguye jenoside yabakorewe igoreka amateka nkana”.

Munsi yayo nahabonye igitekerezo (Comment) cyo ku wa 19 Nyakanga cy’uwiyise Mucunguzi usa n’urengera Ally Yusuf Mugenzi.

Agira ati “Mugenzi ni umunyamakuru si umunyamateka. Ririya jambo yarikoresheje nk’umuntu uyoboye ikiganiro mpaka. Ndatekereza ko nk’umunyamakuru ashobora kuba hari abantu yaryumvanye noneho akarizana muri iki kiganiro agira ngo abantu barivugeho ku buryo byatuma na wa wundi wibeshya ko Abatutsi bateguye genocide yabakorewe yumva neza ukuri kw’ibintu.”

Ikindi gitekerezo kuri iyo nkuru, kandi kuri uwo munsi, cyari icy’uwiyise James nawe warengeye Mugenzi abwira Igihe. com ngo bamuvaneho “amatiku” n’amateshwa “bamuhekesha”.

Yashinze urubanza ati “Icyo yabajije uwavugaga ko jenoside yatangiye muri 59 igategurwa n’abahutu, ni ukumenya uwategekaga icyo gihe kuko jenoside aho iva ikagera ku isi itegurwa n’ubutegetsi bubi buriho! Icyo gihe koko hategekaga abatutsi bari baraheje abahutu bityo iryo kandamiza ribyara urwango rukabije hagati y’ayo moko yombi. Kuba rero ubutegetsi bwakurikiyeho bwarakomeje guheza bamwe mu bana b’abanyarwanda nibyo byahembeye urwo rwangano runagikurikirana abadafite aho bahuriye n’ibyo bihe! Ayo ni amateka mabi yacu twese tugomba kwemera aho guhora bamwe tuyahakana abandi tuyagoreka uko twishakiye kubera inyungu bwite zacu”

Ari “Mucunguzi” ari na “James” bararengera Mugenzi. Mucunguzi aragaragaza ko impaka z’uko Abatutsi baba barateguye cyangwa batarayiteguye zikwiye kuba nta kibazo kirimo.

Iyi ni ingaruka za propaganda y’urwango imaze iminsi kuri BBC-Gahuzamiryango. Kuba hari abo Ally Yusuf Mugenzi yabyumvanye akabisubiramo nabyo ni ukuri.

Jenoside yateguwe aba mu gihugu, akuze kandi akora kuri Radiyo Rwanda yarimo abacurabwenge b’ingoma y’amaraso.

Uwo “James” we aremeza ibya Mugenzi akabishimangira. We bigaragara ko amarangamutima akomoka ku ngengabitekerezo imumazemo igihe bimutera uburakari.

Nta Mugenzi nta Mugesera nta Matata

Abantu benshi bibaza ko guhakana jenoside no kuyipfobya biza mu gihe ikorwa cg imaze gukorwa. Si byo. Umugambi wa jenoside ugendana n’abayitegura kuvuga ibyo bazakora ariko bakabyitirira abo bazabikorera.

Nkuko twabikurikiranye mu bushakashatsi mu mugambi wa jenoside habamo cyane imvugo itera ubwoba abagomba gukora jenoside kugirango bazabushire mu gihe cyo kuyikora.

Ibyo Ally Yusuf Mugenzi na Joseph Matata bagarutseho mu kiganiro cyabo cyo ku wa 12 Nyakanga 2014, ni ibitekerezo byabayeho na mbere hose.

Abateguye jenoside babwiraga Abahutu ko bugarijwe na jenoside itegurwa n’Abatutsi na FPR kandi ko banashaka kugarura ingoma ya cyami Mugenzi avuga ko ariyo nyirabayazana ya jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi.

Urugero rwa mbere natanga n’uko imvugo Ally Yusuf Mugenzi akoresha mu 1994 yakoreshejwe n’umujenosideri Leon Mugesera mu ntangiriro z’umwaka w’1991.

Mugesera afashijwe n’ishyiramwe ry’abagore bari mu nteko ishingamategeko, yanditse inyandiko yasohowe mu binyamakuru no mu nyandiko-mpine asobanura ko ngo imigambi y’Inkotanyi ari ukugarura ubwami, gukora jenoside y’abahutu no kugarura Hima-Tutsi Empire.

Iyo nyandiko ikoresha amagambo “Genocide” (itsembabwoko) na “extermination” (Kurimbura). Kandi ibyo byaha bigatwererwa Abatutsi. Kwerekana ko ayo magambo atayakoresha nabi, Mugesera agereranya FPR na Hitler ndetse akanavuga ko Inkotanyi zikoresha ikimenyetso nk’icy’aba Nazi (Swastika).

Uwabyanditse yari azi neza ko gahunda leta ye yari ifite yari ukuzakorera Abatutsi ibyo Hitler n’aba Nazi bakoreye Abayahudi.

Iyo nyandiko yitwa “TOUTE LA VERITE SUR LA GUERRE D’ OCTOBRE 1990 AU RWANDA” yabanje gusohoka mu kinyamakuru La Releve N^o 159 cyo ku wa 1-7 Gashyantare 1991. Iyo nyandiko mpine y’igifaransa isohoka muri iyo Gashyantare 1991.

Kubera ubukana bwari muri iyo nyandiko banayishyize mu cyongereza isohoka mu nyandiko-mpine yihariye banayishyira mu binyamakuru byo muri Tanzania (The Family Mirror) na Uganda (The Citizen na Shariat)

Iyo nyandiko banayikwije muri za Ambasade zose z’u Rwanda mu mahanga zari zifite. Iyo nyandiko-mpine yaje no kugaragara mu kanyamakuru k’icyahoze ari Zaire kitwa Nsango ya Bisu N^o 114 kasohotse muri Nyakanga 1991. Ntabwo banyandukuye ahubwo bashyizemo foto kopi yayo.

Igitekerezo cya Ally Yusuf Mugenzi cyo huhuza ubutegetsi bw’Abatutsi na jenoside ni muri iyo nyandiko-mpine ya Leon Mugesera (p. 5&7). Ibya Mugesera guhuza na Matata ukabibona hafi mu nyandiko yose cyane. Abazayisoma yose bazabibona.

Muri Gicurasi 1991, ikinyamakuru Kangura No 16 cyanditse inkuru gishimira Juvenal Habyarimana ku ijambo yari yabwiye Kongre idasanzwe ya MRND ku wa 28 Mata 1991.

Iro jambo rya Habyarimana naryo ryasubiragamo amagambo nk’aya Leon Mugesera mu nyandiko twavuze n’ibyasohotse muri Kangura No 4 & 6 zo mu mpera y’1990.

Muri uko gushima Umwanditsi wacyo Hassan Ngeze yagaragaje ibitekerezo Ally Yusuf Mugenzi asubiramo nyuma y’imyaka 23.

Ngeze agira ati “Abatutsi badusanze mu Rwanda, baradupyinagaza turabyihanganira, none kubona twari twaravuye mu buhake bakaba bashaka kujya batubyukiriza ku kiboko ndumva nta muhutu n’umwe wabyihanganira, kandi niba Gahutu arwana intambara yo guhashya umwanzi, ni ngombwa, kubera ko agomba kurwanirira Repubulika,…Kandi abahutu bose bakamenya ko ba Gashakabuhake nibagera i Rwanda batazajogora abahutu ba ruguru cyangwa se ab’epfo, ahubwo bamenye ko akabo bose kazaba, kashobotse. Maze rero bene gahutu, murebe uko mwakwikosora muhurize hamwe ibitekerezo mwubakire hamwe urwababyaye kandi mumenye ko abana banyu, n’abuzukuru n’abuzukuruza banyu ari mwe bakesha ubuzima bwiza.”

Abumvise ikiganiro cya Mugenzi bagasoma n’ibi Ngeze Hassan yandikaga, barumva aho isomo yarikuye, rikamucengera ubu nawe akaba aricengeza akoresheje radiyo BBC.

Bahora basubiramo

Igitabo Joseph Matata yamamarije mu Imvo n’Imvano, agahisha izina rya nyiracyo n’uwagicapye ubu kiramamazwa n’imbuga zikwiza ibitekerezo by’abafite ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside.

Ubu hari urubuga ‘Ikondera rwahaye ijambo Noel Ndanyuzwe wanditse icyo gitabo “La guerre mondiale africaine: la conspiration anglo-américaine pour un génocide au Rwanda. Enquête dans les archives secrètes de l’armée nationale ougandaise”.

Byasohotse kandi ku rubugaruyoborwa rwa Ambrose Nzeyimana wanga urunuka Abatutsi akanagaragaza kwanga n’Abayahudi (anti-Semitism)

Uretse abasazi, injiji zikabije n’abafite ingengabitekerezo nk’iya Matata na Mugenzi ntawakumva ko umuntu witwa ko ari muzima yavuga nk’ibya Noel Ndanyuzwe ukomoka i Gikomero ho muri Gasabo.

Ngo jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi mu Rwanda yateguwe kuva mu myaka y’1980 iteguwe n’Abanyamerika n’Abongereza. Mubafite uwo mugambi avugamo na Israel ngo kuko Abatutsi n’abahima bafitanye isano nabo.

Noel Ndanyuzwe muri iyo ngengabitekerezo ye, abeshya ko ngo ago abateguye gahunda yabo yari iyo kuzashyiraho Empire ya ba Nilotic kuzategeka Afurika uhereye mu Misri kugeza muri Congo.

Umugambi ukaba uwo gutegeka mu buryo buziguye ibihugu birenga 11 byo mu majyaruguru n’Uburengerazuba hangana n’ubuso bwa kilometero miliyoni 6

Ngo bamaze kubitegura bahisemo gukoresha Perezida Yoweri Museveni wa Uganda afatanyije na Perezida w’u Rwanda Paul Kagame na Nyakwigendera Julius Kambarage Nyerere wa Tanzania.

Ibyo Noel Ndanyuzwe avuga abyita ko ari ubushakashatsi ariko ugasanga ari ibintu akura muri ba Leon Mugesera, Kangura na FDLR. Soma “Ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside ntivukanwa irigishwa”.

Abasomyi nibibaze umuntu witwa ko ari umunyabwenge kwandika ko ngo Abatutsi bateguye jenoside izabakorerwa hanyuma ngo bagakoresha abantu nka Theoneste Bagosora kugera kuri uwo mugambi!

Ibi bitekerezo biroga urubyiruko si ibiva muri ibi bitabo byitwa bishya kandi bikamamazwa na BBC. Ku mbuga za FDLR, Impuzamugambi Eugene Rwamucyo, Padiri Wenceslas Munyeshyaka, Ambrose Nzeyimana.

Ujya kurubuga rwa Padiri Munyeshyaka ugasanga aramamaza ba Pierre Pean, Karamira Forduald, Musenyeri Augustin Misago, CLIIR ya Joseph Matata n’izindi nkoramaraso. Kuri BBC-Gahuzamiryango nabo bagasubiramo uwo mukino mubi. Bigakomeza bityo bityo….

Ibyo Ndanyuzwe yanditse ubisanga no mu nyandiko ya Padiri Munyeshyaka yo mu myaka itanu ishize.

Twanditse amagambo y’ubugome avugirwa kuri BBC-Gahuzamiryango, imbuga zirengera iyo ngengabitekerezo zitangira kuburanira Ally Yusuf Mugenzi ngo nibamutabare.

Kutica ntibivuga ko udafite ingengabitekerezo mbi

Abantu bajya bahusha. Vuba aha umuntu yarambajije ngo bishoboka bite kuvuga ko Mugenzi afite ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside kandi muri jenoside yatangiye muri Mata 1994 atari ahari?

Namushubije ko iyo ngengabitekerezo mbi idapimwa nk’izindi ndwara ngo abagamga barebe mu maraso cyangwa ngo uyibone muri Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI).

Iyo umuntu avuze ibigaragaza ibyo bitekerezo bibi ureba imiterere yabyo ukamenya ibyo aribyo. Kuba atari ahari nabyo si indi mpamvu yo kutabigira kuko na Ingabire Victoire atari ari mu Rwanda kimwe n’abantu nka Shyirambere Jean Barahinyura n’umugore we Immaculée Barahinyura.

Uyu Shyirambere Barahinyura yavuye muri FPR ayikojejemo gato aba Impuzamugambi ya CDR. Jenoside yabaye adaheruka mu Rwanda kuko yagiye mu mahanga ahunze Habyarimana. Ariko, na n’ubu iyo ngengabitekerezo ruracyageretse.

Reba: Urutonde rw’abanyeshuri n’abatoza b’ubugome na jenoside kanda n’aha kureba inkomoko y’urwo rutonde ba Barahinyura bariho.

Noel Ndanyuzwe nawe agomba kuba atari ari mu Rwanda jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi mu 1994 iba. Hari inyandiko izina rye rigaragaramo yamagana Abafaransa n’uruhare rwabo muri jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi.

Abandi basinyanye muri iyo nyadiko ni Dr. Gasana Anastase (wigeze kuba Minafet na Ambasaderi muri nyuma ya jenoside), Sheikh Twahirwa Issa Munyampirwa Boniface, Justin Munyemana na Jean Mbanda. Ushaka gusoma iyo nyandiko kanda aha.

Uretse we, muri aya mazina harimo abandi babiri nzi neza ko basubiye kuba nka Noel Ndanyuzwe.

Umwanzuro

Ibi bitekerezo byo gutwerera abantu ibintu bibi batazi batanatekereza ni kimwe mu byiciro byo gutegura jenoside.

Ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside ntitana n’amagambo ashishikariza abantu bamwe kwibasira abandi. Mu gice cya kane cy’igitabo ‘Leave None to Tell the Story’/ntihazasigare n’uwo kubara inkuru (1999) umwanditsi yerekanye icyo yise Propaganda in practice. Kanda aha ubyisomere

Muri icyo gice cy’igitabo berekana uburyo imvugo Ally Yusuf Mugenzi na Joseph Matata bahuriyeho na ba Hassan Ngeze na Leon Mugesera.

Izo mvugo zikaba zari zigamije kurema ubugome n’urugomo mu Bahutu ngo bazarimbure Abatutsi bumva ko bitabara. Amagambo jenoside, , gutsemba,  kurimbura n’andi nk’ayo yakoreshejwe na Leon Mugesera na Hassan Ngeze mu 1990-1.

Icyo bari bagamije twarakibonye na n’ubu duhora duhanganye n’ingaruka zabyo. Ari MUGENZI, MATATA, NDANYUZWE….etc bagamije iki?

Kuba imbuga za internet nka The Rwandan (inyandiko yabo yo ku itariki 20 Nyakanga) zihangayikishwa no kuba twerekana ko icyakabaye Gahuzamiryango kabaye GAHUZAMAHANO na GATANYAMIRYANGO ni uko bumva ko icyo babonaga nk’urubuga rwabo rwavumbuwe.

Ibi tubyibuke tuzirikana kumenya byinshi bakoze ngo tuburire abatazi ibyo bakora. Reba aha

KURWANYA INGENGABITEKEREZO YA JENOSIDE NI INSHINGANO DUHABWA N’ITEGEKO NSHINGA. NI UGUKINGIRA NO KURENGERA URUBYIRUKO RWACU.

The latest Israeli-Hamas war, with its evocative images of human suffering, has engaged hearts and minds the world over, particularly in this digital age of social media and instant communication.

Indeed, the death of any innocent — Israeli or Palestinian — is a tragedy, and no one can fail to be moved by the human suffering and the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.

But, while Hamas has rejected cease-fires proposed by Egypt and the UN, including a humanitarian cease-fire, it has continued its relentless rocket assaults and tunnel invasions, the proximate triggers for this immediate conflict.

If we want to prevent further tragedies, it is important to go beyond the “fog of war” — to go behind the daily headlines that cloud understanding and the clichés (the “cycle of violence”) that corrupt it — and ask some fundamental questions about root causes and the basis for its resolution.

1. Are you aware that the Hamas charter and declarations call for the destruction of Israel and the killing of Jews wherever they may be?

2. Are you aware that the Hamas charter and declarations refer to Jews as “inherently evil,” as a “cancer” as responsible for all evils in the world and as defilers of Islam?

3. Are you aware that Hamas — not only during the present hostilities, but before them— has propagated a state-sanctioned culture of hate in the mosques, in the schools, in the broadcasting system, in the summer camps and training camps?

4. Do you agree that such statements promote hatred and contempt for Jews and constitute an obstacle to peace?

5. Do you agree that Israel, like any other state, has the right to live in peace and security, free from any threats or acts of force?

6. Are you aware that since Israel withdrew all its citizens, uprooted all its settlements, and completely disengaged from Gaza in 2005, Hamas has deliberately – and indiscriminately – launched over 11,000 rockets and missiles, terrorizing Israeli cities, towns and villages?

7. Are you aware that Hamas’ deliberate strategy of targeting Israeli civilians constitutes an armed attack under the UN Charter in violation of customary international law?

8. Do you agree that Israel— like any other state — has both the right and obligation to protect its citizens, and a right to self-defence against such armed attack as set forth in Article 51 of the UN Charter?

Indeed, in a recent joint statement, the European Union’s 28 foreign ministers called on Hamas to “immediately . . . renounce violence,” while recognizing Israel’s “legitimate right to defend itself against any attacks.”

9. Do you agree that, while Israel has the right to self-defense, its exercise must comport with the principles of international humanitarian law, including the principle of proportionality and the prohibition against the infliction of unnecessary suffering?

10. Do you agree that Palestinians in Gaza have the same right as Israelis to live in peace and security? Are you aware of the domestic repression by Hamas of Palestinians in Gaza, of the use and abuse of Palestinian civilians as human shields and that Hamas has converted the civilian infrastructure to an underground terrorist city?

11. Are you aware that Hamas is designated a terrorist entity by Canada, the United States and the European Union, and that UN Security Council resolutions require Palestinian governing authorities to deny safe havens to terrorists?

12. Are you aware that Hamas squandered the opportunity offered by Israeli disengagement from Gaza in 2005 to divert resources from state building to the building of a terrorist infrastructure at the expense of its own people?

13. Do you agree that the cease-fire must be durable and sustainable to protect the peace and security of both Israelis and Palestinians?

14. Do you agree that a comprehensive and enduring cease-fire should include: the recognition of Israel’s right to live in peace and security; the cessation of all acts of terror and violence against Israeli civilians; the demilitarization of Gaza; the dismantling of its weapons infrastructure and the disbanding of its terrorist militias; the establishment of an international protection and stabilization force to enforce the cease-fire and to protect against the rebuilding of any terrorist infrastructure; the deployment of a massive humanitarian undertaking to ensure assistance reaches those in need; the initiation of a comprehensive program for the reconstruction of Gaza and the rehabilitation of its citizens; and the freeing of Palestinian society from the cynical and oppressive culture of hate and incitement fueled by Hamas.

I close on a personal note. I write not only as a law professor and MP, but as one who has family in Israel and friends in Palestine, and who has lived and worked in the region and been engaged in the struggle for peace.

The overriding truth of these past 40 years for me has always been clear and remains the same. I will stand with those who support the right of peoples in the Middle East — Israelis and Palestinians alike — to live in peace and security, free from any threats or acts of force, a cornerstone of UN principle and Canadian foreign policy; and I will oppose all those, like Hamas and its patron Iran, who seek the destruction of any people or state in violation of the UN Charter and all civilized norms.

The Opinion by Irwin Cotler: A former Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada and the Liberal Party of Canada’s Critic for Rights, Freedoms & International Justice. He has written extensively on the Middle East.

Source

When the UN Security Council held a day-long debate on UN Peacekeeping on July 28 more than forty countries spoke, from India warning of an unsustainable shift into internal conflicts to US Ambassador Samantha Power citing reports of UN Peacekeeping missions failing to protect civilians.

But during that US speech, the head of UN Peacekeeping Herve Ladsous left the debate. Earlier in July he refused to answer about peacekeepers killing civilians in the Central African Republic. Video here.

Before that for months Ladsous refused to answer on his partners in the Democratic Republic of the Congo committing more than 130 rapes in Minova in the DRC, video compilation here.

More recently Ladsous has refused to answer the complaint of Rwanda, which organized the July 28 meeting, that his mission in the DRC flew the leader of the Hutu FDLR militia from Eastern Congo to Kinshasa despite him being on the UN’s sanctions list, and the rejection by the Security Council’s sanctions committee of the request for a waiver from Ladsous – with his own history in the region, here.

There are without question many courageous and committed UN peacekeepers. But when the person in charge refuses to answer basic questions, there is a problem.

These are questions that should be answered. Inner City Press will continue to pursue answers.

A representative of NATO spoke, without addressing the aftermath of its “peacekeeping” in Libya.

Egypt, speaking for the Non-Alignment Movement, said the UN Secretariat should not begin “streams of policy” without first getting approval. As Inner City Press reported, Ladsous had push-back, not approval by the C-34 group of states for his proposal to use drones, but proceeded with it anyway.

When Inner City Press reported this, and Herve “The Drone” Ladsous as a nickname, Ladsous began to refuse to answer any Press questions, saying “I do not respond to you, Mister.”

Will he respond to the critiques made during the July 28 debate?

Source

Following are remarks by Ambassador Samantha Power, U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations, at an Open Debate on Regional Partnerships and Peacekeeping on July 28, 2014

“Thank you so much. Thank you, Mr. Secretary General, European External Action Service Deputy Secretary-General Popowski, and African Union Ambassador to the United Nations António.

And thank you, Ambassador Gasana for convening and framing today’s debate, which could not be more timely.

Rwanda knows of what it speaks. Rwandans understand the importance of getting peacekeeping right, having experienced the catastrophic consequences of it going terribly wrong.

As we meet, regional organizations are playing a more central role in peacekeeping than ever before, particularly in Africa. They have proven swift and nimble in responding to serious crises. They have been willing to take on robust protection mandates and we’ve seen, in the last 18 months alone, the AU and ECOWAS have deployed to address the urgent burning crises in Mali and the Central African Republic.

When African countries came together in 2002 to form the new African Union, they decided they never wanted to stand by as atrocities were being committed on the continent. They refused to accept the arguments of those who said that such violence was endemic to Africa; that their newly created union lacked the capacity or the authority to stop it; and that it was not in their collective interest to intervene. They knew such atrocities could be stopped, and that they had the power and the responsibility to do so. And so they enshrined a commitment to non-indifference in the very charter establishing their new union. They committed not to turn a blind eye to atrocities.

Not only does the AU have the right to intervene in the face of atrocities, but any member can request an intervention when such horrors occur.

The AU charter gives letter to the growing consensus that neighbors, regions, and the entire international community have a profound stake in the security and stability of countries in conflict. In every region of the world, we’ve seen that conflicts don’t respect borders, especially when they are fueled by groups intent on targeting civilians and sowing terror. And ignoring these conflicts can be devastating, not only for the countries and regions where they occur, but for all of us.

In order for mandates to protect civilians to be effective, they must be enforced. And enforcement is the key to deterrence.

Warlords and militants take notice of peacekeepers’ willingness to stand up or to stand by. The failure to uphold the commitment to protect civilians in one mission can undermine the legitimacy of all of the others.

That is part of why it is so troubling that – according to a March report by the UN’s Office of Internal Oversight Services – UN peacekeeping missions have routinely failed to use force to protect civilians under attack, despite the mandates under which they operate. Of the 507 attacks against civilians that the OIOS reviewed from 2010 to 2013, it found that peacekeeping missions almost never used force to protect civilians under attack.

The Secretary-General has launched a comprehensive review of peacekeeping which needs to tackle this grave challenge head on. It should draw lessons from the leadership of Rwanda, as well as that by other countries like Ethiopia and Nepal, regarding the protection of civilians. Rwanda’s troops were among the first boots on the ground when conflicts metastasized in the Central Africa Republic and South Sudan. And it’s not just that the Rwandans volunteer for complex and dangerous missions. It’s that because of their commitment to protect civilians, the population in countries where the Rwandans serve trust them; troops from other countries who serve alongside them draw strength from their fortitude; and aggressors who would attack civilians fear them.

We recognize the many challenges to making regional and international peacekeeping missions work. The challenge of training and equipping troops; the challenge of airlifting them into theater; and the challenge of maintaining their supply lines once they’re there.

So we’re investing deeply in regional missions, as well as in the capabilities of troop contributing countries. The United States contributed more than $500 million to the AU mission in Somalia and $166 million toward equipment and training for the African contingents deploying to the UN mission in Mali, as well as logistics support to its African-led predecessor. And we are providing up to $100 million in similar support to the AU-led mission to CAR, MISCA. Our African Contingency Operations Training and Assistance program has trained nearly 250,000 peacekeepers from 25 partner countries since 2005.

Our support for regional initiatives is a clear affirmation of our broader commitment to making peacekeeping more effective, as well as to our partnerships with countries that contribute troops to critical missions. Next week, President Obama will meet with African Heads of State at the Africa Leaders Summit in Washington, DC to discuss how the United States can deepen our partnership with countries that commit troops both to UN and regional peacekeeping, and how we can help them address persistent operational challenges along with other partners.

This regional cooperation is in everyone’s interest. First and foremost, it is in the interest of civilians threatened by violent conflicts. It is in the interest of the United Nations, because regional peacekeepers often lay the foundation for the UN’s multidimensional peacekeeping efforts, and advance the core principles of the UN charter. And it is in the interest of countries that send troops, countries whose stability is enhanced by the investments in training and equipment that come with such interventions – and the stability from having played a role in preventing deadly conflicts from spreading across borders.

Perpetrators who commit atrocities are routinely testing peacekeepers’ limits. When the first killings began in Rwanda in the spring of 1994, Romeo Dallaire – the UN force commander there at the time – appealed for reinforcements. He cabled UN headquarters and said that he could do more. He needed more, better trained peacekeepers, he said. He recognized that if he could send a clear message early on, a wholesale massacre might be averted.

Regional organizations have shown that not only can they do more, but they are willing to do more. As they step forward – it is not just the people who they protect who benefit from greater peace and stability, but all of us. We owe it to regional and international peace and security and to the civilians – the many civilians in harm’s way right now – to give them our full support.”

Dr Paulin Murayi, the son-in-law of Rwandan genocide fugitive Felicien Kabuga has filed court case at ‘Cour d’assises de Bruxelles’ alleging that Dr Theogene Rudasingwa stole (“a vole”) 357,300 euros which was his personal contribution to the Rwanda National Congress (RNC).

In the case file (D-2014-89) filed on 19^th May 2014, Dr Murayi alleges that between March 2012-July 2013, he made transfers of money to a bank account in Brussels to which Dr Rudasingwa used purportedly to perform party activities. Murayi claims that following a joing FDU-Inkingi meeting and RNC in Johannesburg 19-24.2.2013, a decision was reached to launch a shortwave radio.

Dr Murayi claims that he agreed to finance the establishment of the radio and pay for implementation of some RNC activities. Until February this year, Dr Murayi was the chair of RNC-Belgium chapter. Dr Murayi and his wife Winnie Kabuga manage some of the personal fortune of Felicien Kabuga as he has to keep underground due to an international manhunt on him for his role in the genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda.

According to Murayi, it was agreed that all fundraising money for the radio will be put on a specific account which would be operated by the ‘RNC Coordinator’ in consultation with Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa, who was given special oversight because he led the founding of RNC. The decision was reached after some members at the Johannesburg meeting objected to only letting the ‘Coordinator’ access the account.

In the court dossier, Dr Murayi affirms that indeed Radio Impala was launched in October 2013. However, the radio was giving poor signals and there were no journalists to operate it, explains Murayi. According to the plan, the radio was to have 3 signal relay points covering different regions of the world, but it began relaying via only KHZ 17,540.

Dr Murayi explains that his legal team uncovered evidence around December showing how old and less amount of equipment had been procured. Murayi goes on to explain that he raised his concerns with Patrick Karegeya because is the one who had convinced him to join RNC. However, before he could get an answer, Karegeya was killed at a Johannesburg hotel a few weeks later.

Around early January, Murayi asked for accountability for money he contributed to the radio. “I got email from the party coordinator Dr Rudasingwa informing me that the audit report would be submitted to all Chapter heads within one week,” explains Murayi in the court dossier.

He added in the court file: “I waited for more than three weeks and there was no explanation as to why the report was delaying.”

It was at that point that Dr Murayi decided enough is enough. He abruptly resigned from RNC and formed his own political party Democratic Union of Rwandans (UDR). Dr Murayi left with other influential members of the RNC Belgium.

In the court case, Dr Murayi is demanding that court recover his money from Rudasingwa or RNC members in Belgium because Rudasingwa was acting on their behalf. The court summon was delivered to Jean Marie Micombero, who replaced Murayi as leader of the RNC Belgium chapter.

Murayi added up the total amount to 357,300 euros which he claims must be refunded because it was not spent on the exact items. Legally, Murayi said the money was stolen. However, the case may encounter some hurdles. When Murayi formed his own party, he left with all the written material pertaining to Radio Impala. The ownership of the radio has since been under UDR party.

It remains to be seen how Murayi hopes to win this case considering that Rudasingwa lives in Washington (USA) and is not a Belgium or European citizen. Perhaps what could be attained with this court case is that the moment Rudasingwa ever step on Belgian soil, the case applies, and could be arrested for not answering to the court’s summons. Likewise, since Belgium is an EU country, the moment Rudasingwa steps on European soil, he will be liable for arrest.

Source

Na: Tom Ndahiro

Mu nyandiko yanjye ya nyuma mbere y’iyi nashoje nibutsa ko kurwanya ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside ari inshingano ya twese, cyane cyane duhabwa n’Itegeko-Nshinga tugenderaho ubu.

Wabona iyo nyandiko aha: Ingengabitekerezo ya Jenoside ya Mbere y’1994 BBC-Gahuzamiryango Iyigejeje mu 2014

N’ubwo kurwanya icyo cyago ari inshingano ya buri muntu wese kw’isi utari umujenosideri. N’ubwo hari inzego za leta zibifite mu nshingano zazo, ariko no ku munyarwanda wundi, ni inshingano tugomba kudatezukaho mu rwego rwo kurengera igihugu, gukingira no kurengera abajyambere b’igihugu.

Kugirango bigerweho neza, ni uko habaho kwiyumvisha ko abafite iyo ngengabitekerezo bahari kandi bageze aho batihishira. Ingero ziri mu nyandiko zikurikirwa n’iyi zinerekana abagicana n’abacyenyegeza umuriro w’urwango.

Abakwiza iyo ngengabitekerezo barakorana

Ikoranabuhanga ryorohereje abakwiza ingengabitekerezo yo kurengera icyaha cya jenoside. Ariko kandi iryo terambere rinafasha kumenya vuba abafite ibyo bitekerezo abo ari bo n’aho bari.

Iryo terambere rifasha cyane kumenya uburyo abafite ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside bakora n’uburyo bakorana.

Ishingiro ry’inyandiko z’ubushize zakomotse ku kiganiro cy’Imvo n’Imvano cyo ku wa 12 Nyakanga uyu mwaka.

Umuyobozi w’icyo kiganiro Ally Yusuf Mugenzi yivuyemo. Yivamo yivugira, anashyigikiwe n’abatumirwa be nka Joseph Matata. N’abandi bahuje twarabavuze uhereye mu myiteguro ya jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi mu 1994.

Si abo gusa. Ni urusobe rw’abantu bavuga bimwe, batavugira hamwe gusa. Ujya ku murongo wa Internet ugasanga nka radiyo yitwa Inyabutatu iramamaza indi miyoboro y’urwango nka The Rwandan, Ikaze iwacu, BBC-Gahuzamiryango, Radiyo Ijwi rya Amerika (VOA) etc..

Ku wa 28 Mata 2014 urubuga Ikaze Iwacu rwasohoye inyandiko y’impuzabugome y’uwitwa/uwiyita Samuel Lyarahoze uvuga ko hari abantu bibeshya ku bijyanye na jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi.

Iyo nyandiko yayise ‘Bernard Lugan et Serge Dupuis se trompent fort: le genocide des tutsis etait bel et bien planifie avant cette date fatale.’

N’ubwo umwe muri abo bagabo, Bernard Lugan adafite ibitekerezo biri kure cyane y’ibya Lyarahoze ni Joseph Matata wuzuye.

Ntangazwa ko Lyarahoze atari mubahamagarwa mu biganiro na Ally Yusuf Mugenzi, Felin Gakwaya na Noel Karekezi.

Cyakora biranashoboka ko bavugira kuri ayo maradiyo bitwa andi mazina nkuko abantu babihwihwisa.

Muri iyo nyandiko mvuga, Samuel Lyarahoze nawe yemeza ko Abatutsi aribo bagize uruhare rukomeye mu iyicwa ry’Abatutsi muri jenoside.  Ati “De plus grave, nous savons aujourd’hui que les hommes de Paul Kagame ont participé activement à l’extermination des tutsi grâce aux fugitifs de ce mouvement, le FPR.”

Icyo gitekerezo ahuriyeho na Joseph Matata n’Imvo n’Imvano, nawe agishimangira avuga ko ari impamo, ndetse akabona n’abo atwerera iyo mpuzabugome. Ngo hari ishyaka rya politiki ry’Abatutsi rifite amazina y’ababikoze.

Ati ‘Le parti politique tutsi RPRK qui soutient le retour du mwami Kigeli V Ndahindurwa vient même de produire une liste  nominative de certains militaires infiltrés au sein des Interahamwe par Paul Kagamé pour inciter, pousser, encourager et “chauffer” les jeunes hutus désœuvrés à commettre ce crime abominable, le génocide.’

Abantu biyita amazina bakunda kugenura. Iyo umuntu yiyita “Lyarahoze” aba avuga ijambo. Ukurikije ibyo yandika kuri internet iryo zina rirabisobanura. Avuga ibisanzwe bivugwa. Ni ukuvuga ngo kwitwa Lyarahoze ni ukugenura ko nta gishya avuga kitahozeho.

Lyarahoze bararikomeza

Urubuga ‘Ikaze iwacu’ rwongeye gusohora inyandiko ya Samuel Lyarahoze yavugishije benshi muri bagenzi be bahuje ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside cyakora bagatandukanywa no kurwanira ISHEMA.

Iyo nyandiko yo kuwa 27 Nyakanga yanengaga abadashyigikira FDLR yayise ‘Ibigarasha n’ibihutu by’inda nini yataye ku gasi nibareke Kagame yitegekere.’ Icyo gitekerezo nacyo ni LYARAHOZE kuko inkomoko yaryo ari mu ndirimbo za Simon Bikindi INTABAZA n’AKABYUTSO.

Muri izo ndirimbo Bikindi atongera Abahutu ko yanga Abahutu b’inda nini… Abaziza gusa ko badashyigikiye umugambi wo kurimbura Abatutsi.

Kuba Umuhutu ukaba muri FPR ni icyaha gikomeye ku bantu bazonzwe n’ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside.

Mu bisubizo bya bamwe urabyumva. Urugero ni uwitwa Chaste Gahunde akaba n’Umunyamabanga nshingwabikorwa w’icyitwa ISHEMA Party, yashubije Lyarahoze.

Mu gisubizo cye ariko nawe yivamo nka Ally Yusuf Mugenzi.

Chaste Gahunde agaragaza ko bakorana kandi bashyigikiye FDLR n’ibyayo byose.  Ahera ku gitekerezo kucyatumye FDLR ibaho anamagana abarambirwa no kubona ibyo bashaka batabigeraho vuba.

Gahunde ati “Kubera ko twasohotse mu gihugu twibwira ko ari repli tactique y’akanya gatoya none imyaka ikaba ibaye myinshi, hari abakunze kwijujuta no kwinubira ibibi byatubayeho ndetse rimwe na rimwe ugasanga bamwe babishyize ku mutwe w’abandi, agahinda kakaduherana kugeza aho twigumira mu marangamutima kandi adashobora kutugeza aho twifuza kugera, ndavuga kugira igihugu gifite demokarasi n’imiyoborere inogeye rubanda.”

Aha rubanda aba avuga byumvikane ko aba atavugira abanyarwanda muri rusange. Aba avuga Abahutu cyane abafite ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside.

Mu nyandiko urasoma ugasanga asa n’uwarize agahogora ngo “…birababaje kubona FDLR ikomeje kugira isura y’abicanyi yahawe na leta y’u Rwanda bigahabwa umugisha n’ibihugu by’isi yose.”

Agasobanura ko ibyo “kubisubiramo” atari uko “yanze FDLR,” ngo ahubwo “uguhumura amaso abantu kugira ngo dushakire (bo) hamwe undi muti watuma ikibazo cya FDLR gikemuka.”

Agasoza agira ati “Ni muri urwo rwego Ishyaka ISHEMA ry’u Rwanda rigira riti ‘hari ubundi buryo FDLR yafashwa.”

Avuga ko FDLR ariyo yamenye umukino ubu ngo ikaba igaragaza ko yatanze intwaro ariko ariyo izi neza ko izafasha “abaturage bagakora revolisiyo.” Ibuka 1959!

Chaste Gahunde akavuga ko ngo “hari benshi mu Banyarwanda bafata FDLR nk’umucunguzi rukumbi cyangwa se Messiah utegerejwe.” Messiah ni “Umukiza” nka Musa n’abandi nk’abo bavugwa muri Bibiliya.

Kumenya FDLR icyo ari cyo n’icyo iharanira soma: Ingengabitekerezo irigishwa ntivukanwa

Gahunde ababazwa cyane ni uko “FDLR ifite icyasha cyo kuba yarakoze jenoside y’Abatutsi mu Rwanda.” Agashengurwa n’agahinda iyo yibutse ko ngo kubihindura “bigoye cyane” ngo kubera “inyungu z’ibihugu bikomeye nk’Ubwongereza, Israel na Leta zunze ubumwe z’Amerika tutaretse n’ibihugu bya Afurika bimwe na bimwe.”

Ibihugu bitavuzwe muri icyo kiganiro harimo Ubufaransa. Igihe cyose, abajenosideri n’inshuti zabo nta gihe na kimwe uzumva bavuga icyo gihugu cyayobowe na Francois Mitterrand. Impamvu irumvikana.

Ku bantu bagize ako gatsiko kiyita Ishema Party riyoborwa n’umupadiri wa diyosezi ya Cyangugu, Thomas Nahimana, jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi si ikibazo. Ikibazo ni uko hari ababyemera ndetse babyamagana.

Usoma niyibaze uyu gahunde uvuga ngo “Buriya hari ikintu abantu bakomeje kuzira kuva aho FPR ituvudukanye ikatwambura igihugu.” Uwo FPR yavudukanye isi yose iramuzi.

Ni havudukanywe guverinoma yakoze jenoside. Iva i Kigali yimukira i Murambi ha Gitarama iba iminsi mike ku Gisenyi mbere y’uko bohoha basize bakoze ishyano mu gihugu.

Ubu se abo mu “ISHEMA Party” bazahakana ko baharanira inyungu z’abajenosideri kandi Umunyamabanga nshingwabikorwa wabo abyiyemerera?

N’ubundi mu nyandiko n’ibiganiro byabo biragaragara, ariko ntibari bemera ku mugaragaro isano yabo na Guverinoma ya Kambanda na Sindikubwabo nkuko babigenje ubu.  Arakoze cyane Chaste GAHUNDE gutanga amakuru.

Chaste Gahunde aburanira abajenosideri n’amarangamutima menshi. “Kuba Obama bamwise inguge nta ngaruka bimugiraho. Ni yo mpamvu nta n’icyo yirirwa abikoraho. Ariko urugero kwita FDLR abicanyi biyigiraho ingaruka nyinshi cyane kuko ihita ikomanyirizwa mu rwego mpuzamahanga.” Abanyamerika baziburanira aho abicanyi bigereranya n’umuyobozi w’icyo gihugu.

Biracyaza…

Na: Tom Ndahiro

Ikinyoma nticyihishira. Ibi bituma abamenyereye kubeshya babikomeza kubera ko bibaryohera cyangwa se bagasanga nta kundi byagenda.

Kubeshya biterwa n’ingengabitekerezo y’urwango na jenoside byo bigakabya. Benshi mubabikora, bumva icyo kinyoma cyabo ariko kuri.

Ibi nibyo bituma abamamaza-matwara ya jenoside badasiba kuri BBC-Gahuzamiryango byitwa ko ari Imvo-n’Imvano!

Abo batumirwa mu kiganiro, n’ubatumira, amagambo atarimo ukuri ntabagwa nabi apfa kuba umuyoboro w’urwango babiba.

Urwango n’ikinyoma

Mu nyandiko nahaye umutwe “Abo muri ISHEMA Party bashyigikiye FDLR Kandi Bakibona Muri Guverinoma ya Kambanda na Sindikubwabo” nsezeranya abasomyi ko bigikomeza. Ni aha dukomereje.

Iyo nyandiko yakomoje ku byari byanditswe na Chaste Gahunde, akaba Umunyamabanga Nshingwabikorwa w’agatsiko kiyita Ishema Party.

Ako gatsiko ‘Ishema Party’ kayoborwa n’umupadiri wa diyosezi ya Cyangugu witwa Thomas Nahimana ufite n’urubuga Le prophete rukwiza urwango rwibasira Umututsi muri rusange na FPR yita iyabo.

Ku wa 1 Nyakanga 2014, Padiri Thomas Nahimana yanditse inyandiko yise ‘Twizihize Isabukuru y’Ubwigenge bw’u Rwanda twiyemeza gusezerera GIHAKE nshya y’agatsiko ka Paul Kagame’

Yagize ati: “Hari taliki ya 1 Nyakanga 1962 rero, ubwo ibendera ry’u Rwanda rwigenga ryazamurwaga, iry’Ububiligi rikamanurwa bidasubirwaho, naho Kalinga n’izayo zose ikagirwa umuziro mu Rwatubyaye. … ibyabaye uwo munsi tukaba tubizi n’ibirango byahawe Repubulika y’u Rwanda rwigenga tukaba tutabiyobewe, kuki Paul Kagame na FPR ye bashishikajwe no gukomeza kudutobera amateka?”

Ibi ni ikinyoma cyambaye bwa busa. Ababivuga barimo padiri Nahimana, icyizere bagenderaho ni uko bumva hari abashobora kubyemera. Ikindi cyizere bakagiterwa ni uko bazi ko abantu badakunda kubivuga cyane banasoma ntibabigaye mu nyandiko.

Kimwe mu kinyoma gisa n’icya mwene Semuhanuka  wavuze ko asohotse agakubita umutwe ku ijuru, ni ukumva Padiri Nahimana witwa ko yize uvuga ko PARMEHUTU yaharaniye ubwigenge bw’u Rwanda.

Padiri Thomas Nahimana azi neza ko mu gihe amashyaka nka UNAR yaharaniraga ko abakoroni basubira iwabo bagasigira u Rwanda abanyarwanda, PARMEHUTU siko yabyumvaga. Icyo gihe imvugo y’ABA-PARMEHUTU yari ‘Vive la Belgique!’

Hari umusore wigeze kumbaza kandi yibaza uburyo habayeho abanyarwanda bishimiraga gukoronizwa.

Namusobanuriye ko haririmbwa iyo ndirimbo ‘Vive la Belgique’ (harakabaho Ububiligi) hari mu 1961-2 mu gihe urwanda rwagezeho rugahabwa ubwigenge.

Mu mwaka w’1987, u Rwanda rwizihiza imyaka 25 y’ubwigenge, leta y’u Rwanda yahaye imidari abari abakoloni nka Guy Logiest. Birenze kwemera ariko ni ukuri kugomba kuvugwa.

Icyo namwibukirije iyi midari y’ishimwe, yashyiraga abakoloni mu rwego rw’intwari z’u Rwanda, kwari ukwereka uwo musore ko ibyavugwaga mu 1962, kutari ukwibeshya.

Cyane ko muri uwo mwaka baririmba ngo ‘Vive la Belgique’ banasabaga ko u Rwanda rwahabwa ubwigenge nyuma y’imyaka 25.

Mu cyifuzo cya MDR-PARMEHUTU, u Rwanda rwari guhabwa ubwigenge mu mwaka w’1987. Icyo abakoloni baherewe imidari kikaba ari ukugaragara nk’abanyampuhwe badasanzwe bahaye ubwigenge abatabushaka.

Ingengabitekerezo ya PARMEHUTU

Iyi nyandiko ya Padiri Thomas Nahimana, ikibazo cyayo kinini si ikinyoma kinigaragaza mu nteruro “Ubwigenge buraharanirwa”. Yabyanditwse azi ko abaharanira ubwigenge nyakuri atabarimo ndetse ntibabe no mubo afataho urugero–PARMEHUTU na HUTU PAWA abarirwamo!

Iyo ngengabitekerezo igaragarira neza mu magambo atandukane ari muri iyo nyandiko.

Iya mbere, hari nk’aho avuga ngo ubutegetsi bwa FPR buyobowe na Perezida Paul Kagame ngo ntibuhwema “gusiribanga ibyiza byose rubanda yari itegereje kuri Republika ishingiye ku mahame ya demokarasi.

Ubwo butegetsi akabushinja ko ngo bwagaruye “GIHAKE nshya… ku buryo burushije ubukana ibyariho ku ngoma ya cyami na gikolonize.”

Ibitekerezo bya Padiri Thomas Nahimana ni ugusubiramo ibya Leon Mugesera na bagenzi be nkuko nabigaragaje vuba aha. Kanda aha urabibona.

Repubulika na Demokarasi avuga ko byasiribanzwe, ni incamarenga yo kwanga kuvuga ko mu mahame ya PARMEHUTU umunyarwanda Paul Kagame atagombaga kuba Perezida wa Repubulika y’u Rwanda.

Akandi gahinda agaragaza ni uko ihame ry’abo ba PAWA ari uko abanyarwanda bose batagomba kugira ijambo ringana ubu bakaba bangana.

Ibi bitekerezo bya padiri ni ibitirano akura mu ndirimbo “TWASEZEREYE ya Simoni Bikindi yaririmbye mu 1987 kwizihiza ya myaka 25 igihugu cyagombaga guhabwa ubwigenge. Ni nabyo bitekerezo Ally Yusuf Mugenzi agenderaho akaba yarabisubiyemo ku itariki ya 12 Nyakanga 2014.

Utari umusazi ntube n’umuntu wazonzwe n’ibitekerezo bibi, ntiwatinyuka kuvuga ko u Rwanda rw’ubu rutangwaho ingero zubaka ibihugu, rurutwa n’UBUKOLONI.

Kwifuza ubukoloni mu gihugu cyawe? Ng’uwo umunyapolitiki witwa ko agezweho!

Icya kabili ni aho asubiramo ngo “Inkotanyi zashubije Abanyarwanda mu buja, mu mikorere n’imigenzereze by’ingoma ya cyami na gihake… kutwambura uburenganzira shingiro bwo kwitorera abategetsi twibonamo.”

Kuba avuga ibya gihake na gikolonize ni ubushobozi adafite bwo kwivana mu ngengabitekerezo ya jenoside. Iyi ni mvugo ya kera yoretse imbaga. Igitekerezo cy’ingenzi kizamo n’icyo cyo kuvuga ko hari ubutegetsi  we n’abandi batibonamo.

Abo batibonamo avuga ni ba nde? Igisubizo kiri mubyo Umunyamabanga we Gahunde yivugiye ko baturubikanywe. Abo batibonamo ni abafite ibitekerezo bidashobora kwemerwa.

Abo abeshya ngo ni “rubanda” avugira, bararye bari menge. Uzi ubwenge yakurikira abatamushuka.

Abo mu ISHEMA Party niba bategereje kuzabona ubutegetsi babonamo jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi, batsinzwe rugikubita.

The U.S. and the U.N. have an opportunity to prevent further bloodshed in Central Africa, if they’re prepared to take certain steps to do so.

As the first ever U.S.-Africa summit opens in Washington today, all is not quiet on Congo’s eastern front. Just before the 4th of July when most Americans were watching fireworks, diplomatic pyrotechnics erupted in Africa that now seriously threaten to reignite the war in eastern Congo, a conflict that has left more people dead than any war since World War II. The kerfuffle concerns the rebel group that has been at the center of the war, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a dangerous militia based in Congo and led by some of the perpetrators of the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

Because it is at the heart of the war, ending the FDLR must be a centerpiece of the peace process. Over the past 20 years, neighboring Rwanda has invaded Congo twice and sponsored three major rebellions in eastern Congo—all in the name of countering the FDLR and its predecessors. The war escalated significantly in 1994 when the first iteration of the FDLR, the Interahamwe and members of the former Rwandan army, crossed into Congo from Rwanda after the genocide, and tens of thousands of people died when Rwanda pursued the group in Congo.

The FDLR represents a unique threat to Rwanda because its leaders espoused the elimination of Tutsis from Rwanda, the twisted ideology at the heart of the mass killings there. Only people who have gone through genocide can fully comprehend such an existential threat.

Since then, the partially Rwandan war being fought on Congolese soil has inspired the creation of dozens of Congolese armed groups. These militias have wrought tremendous havoc on local communities, with the FDLR intensifying the horrific tactic of rape as a weapon of war. Today, over 30 armed groups remain in eastern Congo, many of which were created or supported by the Congolese or Rwandan governments in their battle for the region.

A few months ago, after years of hand-wringing, the international community was finally preparing to support military operations against the FDLR. But the Congolese government, which is 154th out of 175 countries on the world corruption index and which continues to collaborate with the FDLR, according to the United Nations, successfully pushed the region and the UN to accept a plan that delays military action against the FDLR to give it a chance to voluntarily disarm. South Africa and Tanzania, who are allied with Congo President Joseph Kabila and have their own, separate disputes with Rwanda, managed to secure for the FDLR a six-month respite from any forcible disarmament operations by the UN. They succeeded despite efforts by the global body, the U.S. and Angola, who don’t think the FDLR will voluntarily disarm.

The major risk here is that if the FDLR regroups, it provides a rationale for Rwanda to remain militarily engaged—directly or through proxies—in eastern Congo. The UN highlighted recently that the FDLR is actively recruiting troops, including children, and building alliances with three Rwandan political parties in a bid to unseat President Paul Kagame in the 2017 elections. If Rwanda does cross the border in response, it would significantly escalate the war and humanitarian crisis.

President Obama’s U.S.-Africa Summit, starting today, offers a critical opportunity to help prevent that worst-case scenario. The President, Secretary of State John Kerry, National Security Adviser Susan Rice, Ambassador to the UN Samantha Power, and Special Envoy Feingold should engage the presidents of the key countries involved—Congo’s Joseph Kabila and South Africa’s Jacob Zuma—and make it clear they must take serious action on the FDLR over the next six months, and that the U.S. stands ready to support such actions.

Three steps are needed to avert a new crisis. First, the U.S. should press Congo to suspend and prosecute its army officers involved in collaborating with the FDLR. The Congo-FDLR links are documented year after year in UN reports, and yet not a single suspension or trial has ever occurred. Second, Congo and the region must agree on three-month benchmarks for FDLR disarmament that include the demobilization of at least half of the FDLR’s senior leadership, not simply rank-and-file militia. Third, the U.S. should offer Special Forces military assistance to the UN’s special unit, the Intervention Brigade, in fighting the FDLR. U.S. Special Forces advisors and aid have been a major factor in reducing the strength of a similar nearby militia, Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). Washington should build on successful tactics against the LRA and work with the UN to apply those to the FDLR.

Congo’s wars over the last two decades have cost over five million lives. The lasting effects of the Rwandan genocide against Tutsi have been at the root of these conflicts. Until this core driver of violence is eradicated, turbulence is guaranteed in Congo’s east.

Ending the FDLR with focused military operations, targeted prosecutions, and a well-conceived disarmament and demobilization strategy would be a huge step towards laying the foundation for peace in Congo and across the war-scarred region of central Africa.

Authors: John Prendergast is the Founding Director of the Enough Project.

Sasha Lezhnev is Associate Director and Senior Policy Analyst at the Enough Project, where he focuses on peace and conflict minerals in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

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ON JUNE 26 an ugly game took a dangerous twist. A game that has taken on different dimensions, tactics, and actors while retaining the same objective: to overthrow the government of Rwanda.

As recent as early this year it acquired a diplomatic tact that that made it not only more sophisticated but also more dangerous.

Let’s think together. It’s an open secret that Paris has, for the past two decades, overtly or covertly tried to overthrow or to undermine the government in Kigali. That’s easy. It gets muddier, however.

President Kikwete of Tanzania is on record calling for negotiations between Rwanda and the FDLR. While this call also involved Uganda negotiating with its enemies based in the Congo, it was clear that his primary target was Rwanda’s leadership.

His motives are not as clear as those of the French, with some speculating about a network of personal commercial interests involving some leaders of SADC.

Tanzania has never distanced itself from that position. On the contrary, it appears that it has already started initiating such a process. At the beginning of last month during a SADC summit in Luanda, Angola, the heads of state received a letter from the FDLR in which it was claiming that it was laying down arms.

A fortnight later the government of Tanzania convened a meeting of diplomats in that country urging them to support SADC’s approach to the FDLR issue, around the same time that it’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Bernard Membe, urged the Rwandan government to negotiate with the group, according to a story carried by the BBC.

Worth noting is that three weeks earlier on June 26 a meeting was held in Rome ostensibly to discuss this particular issue of disarming the FDLR.

In attendance were the then UN Great Lakes Envoy Mary Robinson, the United States Special Envoy for the Great Lakes Russ Feingold, the EU Special Envoy Koen Vervaeke, the Belgian Special Envoy Frank Deconinck, the head of MONUSCO Martin Kobler, and representatives of the DR Congo government and those of the FDLR.

Also suggestive were the tireless efforts of the UN Under-Secretary General for Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), Herve Ladsous, a Frenchman, to offer temporary reprieve to the president of the FDLR Major General Gaston Iyamuremye (a.k.a. Victor Byiringiro), currently on an international travel ban, to allow him to attend the meeting in Rome.

Ladsous’ slick manoeuvres were diplomatically interpreted by Rwanda’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Eugene-Richard Gasana, as an “ambush,” that was “highly questionable on both the procedure and on the motivation.” Let us leave it at that.

The Trap

Now SADC needs help. Tanzania’s Foreign Affairs Minister, Bernard Membe, was quoted by the BBC requesting for support from the international community to “support SADC to implement the peaceful initiative of the FDLR in resolving the problem they have with the governments of Rwanda and the DRC.”

It now starts to get clearer why meetings such as those in Rome are needed. Implied in this logic is that for the contents of the FDLR letter to get implemented there needs to be some form of negotiations involving the international community, SADC, DR Congo, Rwanda, and of course, the FDLR.

One is reminded, however, that the decimation of the M-23 did not require a prior convention. Why then the double standards? Something fishy must be afoot. And this is suggested by the competing interpretations of the purpose of the Rome meeting.

The EU official pointed out that the purpose of the meeting was to facilitate a quick disarmament of the FDLR. On the other hand, General Iyamuremye boasts about being “among those who initiated the meeting,” before letting the cat loose, “We need such meetings in the international community to articulate our cause so that we can have negotiations and ultimately solve Rwanda’s problem.”

Iyamuremye speaks of the value of an international platform. What is also clear, however, is that the strategy is much more elaborate than he is willing to admit.

Whether all those taking part in these talks are aware or not, the strategy is to create conditions over time where Rwanda has to choose whether to negotiate with the FDLR or accept isolation as a rogue state that is anti-peace and ultimately the cause of the problems in the region, effectively justifying an “internationally acceptable” armed rebellion.

It’s a game of Russian roulettes. It’s one in which a responsible government must not be seen to dither. It must to go W. Most recall that during the Bush administration serious matters of national interest were dealt with in a simple and straightforward manner:

You are either with us or against us. And either choice had consequences.

Fine, Rwanda has a limited range of possible rewards and punishments compared to Bush’s America.

However, it must unleash its moral might in resistance to unprincipled overtures for, and holding in utter contempt of, anyone involved in organising, facilitating, and participating in such meetings whose real intention is to provide a platform for sanitising unrepentant genocide perpetrators.

Source

Barack Obama’s special envoy to central Africa has warned an armed group in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) that it has months to surrender or face “the military option”.

Speaking at the US president’s summit with African leaders in Washington, Russell Feingold said there was a “tremendous need to finish off” the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a group formed by the leaders of the genocide in Rwanda 20 years ago and which controls parts of eastern DRC.

“We have to get rid of the FDLR, not so much because of their military capacity, but because of what they represent and the destabilising effect that they have with regard to relations with Rwanda. That is our top priority,” he said. “I’ve been involved with efforts to communicate to them that it’s time for them to surrender. That they will be attacked militarily if they don’t. That there will be no political dialogue.”

Feingold noted that another rebel group, M23, in DRC, was forced to surrender last year by a combination of diplomatic pressure and military action by the UN and African forces.

The FDLR was formed by leaders of the genocide of about 800,000 Tutsis in Rwanda. Former soldiers and militias that carried out the killings fled in to what was then Zaire in 1994 after the defeat of the extremist Hutu government in Kigali.

For several years, its forces led cross-border raids into Rwanda, usually killing civilians. The assaults, however, fell away and the FDLR settled in to control an area of eastern DRC close to the Rwandan border, where it fought government forces and attacked the local population, killing hundreds and possibly thousands of people. Human rights groups have also accused its members of mass rape.

The FDLR is no longer regarded as a serious military threat to Rwanda, but it has kept “genocide ideology” alive as it raised a new generation to hate Tutsis.

Much of the leadership lives abroad, some of them in Europe. The FDLR chairman, Ignace Murwanashyaka, and his deputy, Straton Musoni, were arrested in Germany and tried for war crimes and crimes against humanity. A verdict is expect later this year. The group’s executive secretary, Callixte Mbarushimana, was detained in France and extradited in 2011 under an international criminal court warrant. He was released later that year on the grounds that there was insufficient evidence to prosecute him.

Feingold’s warning to the FDLR follows a regional agreement to end the activities of all armed groups in eastern DRC, some of which have been backed by Rwanda and Uganda, and to return control of the region to the government in Kinshasa after two decades of foreign invasions, civil war and plunder of its mineral resources. Many of the armed groups have been responsible for mass rape and indiscriminate killings.

The FDLR leadership initially indicated that it would surrender but then demanded political dialogue with the Rwandan government of President Paul Kagame, who led the then rebel army, which defeated the extremist Hutu regime. Kagame has refused to negotiate.

Feingold said that mediators were prepared to facilitate the return of FDLR members to Rwanda or to settle elsewhere, presumably in DRC, but that there would be no talks about it taking a political role in Rwanda – principally because of its ties to the genocide.

Several previous attempts to disarm the FDLR have failed, including a cross-border assault by the Rwandan army. The surrender of M23, however, indicates a determination by the UN and regional powers to finally put an end to violence in eastern DRC.

Feingold said that once the FDLR was dealt with, the key to long-term stability in DRC would be to strengthen the political system. That includes the country’s president, Joseph Kabila, stepping down at elections in 2016 as required by the constitution. He said the US secretary of state, John Kerry, told Kabila at a meeting on Monday that Washington expects him to abide by the two-term limit and not to attempt to hold on to power.

“We regard the elections as one of the top priorities not only for the domestic DRC, but for the stability of the entire region because without a credible political system it is unlikely that the eastern DRC will achieve the stability and the kind of sovereignty over the area that is needed,” he said.

Source

As international and criminal law scholars, human rights defenders, legal experts and individuals who firmly believe in the rule of law and in the necessity for its respect in times of peace and more so in times of war, we feel the intellectual and moral duty to denounce the grave violations, mystification and disrespect of the most basic principles of the laws of armed conflict and of the fundamental human rights of the entire Palestinian population committed during the ongoing Israeli offensive on the Gaza Strip.

We also condemn the launch of rockets from the Gaza Strip, as every indiscriminate attack against civilians, regardless of the identity of the perpetrators, is not only illegal under international law but also morally intolerable. However, as also implicitly noted by the UN Human Rights Council in its Resolution of the 23th July 2014, the two parties to the conflict cannot be considered equal, and their actions – once again – appear to be of incomparable magnitude.

Once again it is the unarmed civilian population, the ‘protected persons’ under International humanitarian law (IHL), who is in the eye of the storm. Gaza’s civilian population has been victimized in the name of a falsely construed right to self-defence, in the midst of an escalation of violence provoked in the face of the entire international community.

The so-called Operation Protective Edge erupted during an ongoing armed conflict, in the context of a prolonged belligerent occupation that commenced in 1967. In the course of this ongoing conflict thousands of Palestinians have been killed and injured in the Gaza Strip during recurrent and ostensible ‘ceasefire’ periods since 2005, after Israel’s unilateral ‘disengagement’ from the Gaza Strip. The deaths caused by Israel’s provocative actions in the Gaza Strip prior to the latest escalation of hostilities must not be ignored as well.

According to UN sources, over the last two weeks, nearly 800 Palestinians in Gaza have been killed and more than 4,000 injured, of whom the vast majority were civilians. Several independent sources indicate that only 15 per cent of the casualties were combatants. Entire families have been murdered. Hospitals, clinics, as well as a rehabilitation centre for disabled persons have been targeted and severely damaged. During one single day, on Sunday 20th July, more than 100 Palestinian civilians were killed in Shuga’iya, a residential neighbourhood of Gaza City. This was one of the bloodiest and most aggressive operations ever conducted by Israel in the Gaza Strip, a form of urban violence constituting a total disrespect of civilian innocence. Sadly, this was followed only a couple of days later by an equally destructive attack on Khuza’a, East of Khan Younis.

Additionally, the offensive has already caused widespread destruction of buildings and infrastructure: according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, over 3,300 houses have been targeted resulting in their destruction or severe damage.

As denounced by the UN Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) on the Gaza conflict in the aftermath of Israel’s ‘Operation Cast Lead’ in 2008-2009: “While the Israeli Government has sought to portray its operations as essentially a response to rocket attacks in the exercise of its right to self defence, the Mission considers the plan to have been directed, at least in part, at a different target: The people of Gaza as a whole” (A/HRC/12/48, par. 1680). The same can be said for the current Israeli offensive.

The civilian population in the Gaza Strip is under direct attack and many are forced to leave their homes. What was already a refugee and humanitarian crisis has worsened with a new wave of mass displacement of civilians: the number of IDPs has reached nearly 150,000, many of whom have obtained shelter in overcrowded UNRWA schools, which unfortunately are no safe areas as demonstrated by the repeated attacks on the UNRWA school in Beit Hanoun. Everyone in Gaza is traumatized and living in a state of constant terror. This result is intentional, as Israel is again relying on the ‘Dahiya doctrine’, which deliberately has recourse to disproportionate force to inflict suffering on the civilian population in order to achieve political (to exert pressure on the Hamas Government) rather than military goals.

In so doing, Israel is repeatedly and flagrantly violating the law of armed conflict, which establishes that combatants and military objectives may be targeted, i.e. ‘those objects which by their nature, location, purpose or use make an effective contribution to military action and whose total or partial destruction, capture or neutralization, in the circumstances ruling at the time, offers a definite military advantage.’ Most of the recent heavy bombings in Gaza lack an acceptable military justification and, instead, appear to be designed to terrorize the civilian population. As the ICRC clarifies, deliberately causing terror is unequivocally illegal under customary international law.

In its Advisory Opinion in the Nuclear Weapons case, the ICJ stated that the principle of distinction, which requires belligerent States to distinguish between civilian and combatants, is one of the “cardinal principles” of international humanitarian law and one of the “intransgressible principles of international customary law”.

The principle of distinction is codified in Articles 48, 51(2) and 52(2) of the Additional Protocol I of 1977 to the 1949 Geneva Conventions, to which no reservations have been made. According to Additional Protocol I, “attacks” refer to “acts of violence against the adversary, whether in offence or in defence” (Article 49). Under both customary international law and treaty law, the prohibition on directing attacks against the civilian population or civilian objects is absolute. There is no discretion available to invoke military necessity as a justification.

Contrary to Israel’s claims, mistakes resulting in civilian casualties cannot be justified: in case of doubt as to the nature of the target, the law clearly establishes that an object which is normally dedicated to civilian purposes (such as schools, houses, places of worship and medical facilities), are presumed as not being used for military purposes. During these past weeks, UN officials and representatives have repeatedly called on Israel to strictly abide by the principle of precaution in carrying out attacks in the Gaza Strip, where risks are greatly aggravated by the very high population density, and maximum restraint must be exercised to avoid civilian casualties. HRW has noted that these rules exist to minimize mistakes “when such mistakes are repeated, it raises the concern of whether the rules are being disregarded.”

Moreover, even when targeting clear military objectives, Israel consistently violates the principle of proportionality: this is particularly evident with regard to the hundreds of civilian houses destroyed by the Israeli army during the current military operation in Gaza. With the declared intention to target a single member of Hamas, Israeli forces have bombed and destroyed houses although occupied as residencies by dozens of civilians, including women, children, and entire families.

It is inherently illegal under customary international law to intentionally target civilian objects, and the violation of such a fundamental tenet of law can amount to a war crime. Issuing a ‘warning’ – such as Israel’s so-called roof knocking technique, or sending an SMS five minutes before the attack – does not mitigate this: it remains illegal to wilfully attack a civilian home without a demonstration of military necessity as it amounts to a violation of the principle of proportionality. Moreover, not only are these ‘warnings’ generally ineffective, and can even result in further fatalities, they appear to be a pre-fabricated excuse by Israel to portray people who remain in their homes as ‘human shields’.

The indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks, the targeting of objectives providing no effective military advantage, and the intentional targeting of civilians and civilian houses have been persistent features of Israel’s long-standing policy of punishing the entire population of the Gaza Strip, which, for over seven years, has been virtually imprisoned by Israeli imposed closure. Such a regime amounts to a form of collective punishment, which violates the unconditional prohibition set forth in Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and has been internationally condemned for its illegality. However, far from being effectively opposed international actors, Israel’s illegal policy of absolute closure imposed on the Gaza Strip has relentlessly continued, under the complicit gaze of the international community of States.

As affirmed in 2009 by the UN Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict: “Justice and respect for the rule of law are the indispensable basis for peace. The prolonged situation has created a justice crisis in the Occupied Palestinian Territory that warrants action” (A/HRC/12/48, para. 1958) Indeed: “long-standing impunity has been a key factor in the perpetuation of violence in the region and in the reoccurrence of violations, as well as in the erosion of confidence among Palestinians and many Israelis concerning prospects for justice and a peaceful solution to the conflict”. (A/HRC/12/48, para. 1964)

Therefore,

We welcome the Resolution adopted on 23 July 2014 by the UN Human Rights Council, in which an independent, international commission of inquiry was established to investigate all violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

We call upon the United Nations, the Arab League, the European Union, individual States, in particular the United States of America, and the international community in its entirety and with its collective power to take action in the spirit of the utmost urgency to put an end to the escalation of violence against the civilian population of the Gaza Strip, and to activate procedures to hold accountable all those responsible for violations of international law, including political leaders and military commanders. In particular:

All regional and international actors should support the immediate conclusion of a durable, comprehensive, and mutually agreed ceasefire agreement, which must secure the rapid facilitation and access of humanitarian aid and the opening of borders to and from Gaza;

All High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions must be urgently and unconditionally called upon to comply with their fundamental obligations, binding at all times, and to act under common Article 1, to take all measures necessary for the suppression of grave breaches, as clearly imposed by Article 146 and Article 147 of the Fourth Geneva Convention; these rules are applicable by all interested parties as well;

Moreover, we denounce the shameful political pressures exerted by several UN Member States and the UN on President Mahmoud Abbas, to discourage recourse to the International Criminal Court (ICC), and we urge the Governmental leaders of Palestine to invoke the jurisdiction of the ICC, by ratifying the ICC treaty and in the interim by resubmitting the declaration under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute, in order to investigate and prosecute the serious international crimes committed on the Palestinian territory by all parties to the conflict; and

The UN Security Council must finally exercise its responsibilities in relation to peace and justice by referring the situation in Palestine to the Prosecutor of the ICC.

*******

Please note that institutional affiliations are for identification purposes only.

• John Dugard, Former UN Special Rapporteur on human rights situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory
• Richard Falk, Former UN Special Rapporteur on human rights situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory
• Alain Pellet, Professor of Public International Law, University Paris Ouest, former Member of the United Nations International Law Commission, France
• Georges Abi-Saab, Emeritus Professor of International Law, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva, Former Judge on the ICTY
• Vera Gowlland-Debbas, Emeritus Professor of International Law, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva, Switzerland
• Chantal Meloni, Adjunct Professor of International Criminal Law, University of Milan, Italy (Rapporteur, Joint Declaration)
• Roy Abbott, Consultant in International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law, Australia
• Lama Abu-Odeh, Law Professor, Georgetown University Law Center, USA
• Susan M. Akram, Clinical Professor and supervising attorney, International Human rights Program, Boston University School of Law, USA
• Taris Ahmad, Solicitor at Jones Day, London, UK
• Maria Anagnostaki, PhD candidate, Law School University of Athens, Greece
• Antony Anghie, Professor of Law, University of Utah, USA
• Nizar Ayoub, Director, Al-Marsad, Arab Human Rights Centre in Golan Heights
• Valentina Azarov, Lecturer in Human Rights and International Law, Al Quds Bard College, Palestine
• Ammar Bajboj, Lecturer in Law, University of Damascus, Syria
• Samia Bano, SOAS School of Law, London, UK
• Asli Ü Bali, Professor of Law, UCLA School of Law, USA
• Jakub Michał Baranowski, Phd Candidate, Universita’ degli Studi Roma Tre, Italy
• Frank Barat, Russell Tribunal on Palestine
• Emma Bell, Coordinator of the European Group for the Study of Deviance and Social Control, Université de Savoie, France
• Barbara Giovanna Bello, Post-doc Fellow, University of Milan, Italy
• Brenna Bhandar, Senior lecturer in Law, SOAS School of Law, London, UK
• George Bisharat, Professor of Law, UC Hastings College of Law, USA
• Barbara Blok, LLM Candidate, University of Essex, UK
• John Braithwaite, Professor of Criminology, Australian National University, Australia
• Michelle Burgis-Kasthala, lecturer in international law, University of Edinburgh, UK
• Eddie Bruce-Jones, Lecturer in Law, University of London, Birkbeck College, UK
• Sandy Camlann, LLM Candidate, Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, France
• Grazia Careccia, Human Rights Advocate, London, UK
• Baris Cayli, Impact Fellow, University of Stirling, UK
• Antonio Cavaliere, Professor of Criminal Law, University Federico II, Naples, Italy
• Kathleen Cavanaugh, Senior Lecturer, Irish Center for Human Rights, National University of Ireland, Galway, Ireland
• Elizabeth Chadwick, Reader in International Law, Nottingham, UK
• Donna R. Cline, Attorney at Law, USA
• Karen Corteen, Senior Lecturer in Criminology, University of Chester, UK
• Andrew Dahdal, Lecturer, Faculty of Business and Economics, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia
• Teresa Dagenhardt, Reader in Criminology, Queen’s University Belfast, Northern Ireland
• Luigi Daniele, PhD candidate in Law, Italy
• Alessandro De Giorgi, Professor of Justice Studies, San Josè State University, USA
• Paul de Waart, Professor Emeritus of International Law, VU University, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
• Gabriele della Morte, Senior Lecturer in International Law, University Cattolica, Milan, Italy
• Max du Plessis, Professor of Law, University of Kwazulu-Natal, and Barrister, South Africa and London, UK
• Noura Erakat, Georgetown University, USA
• Mohammad Fadel, Associate Professor of Law, University of Toronto Faculty of Law, Canada
• Mireille Fanon-Mendés France, Independent Expert UNO, Frantz Fanon Foundation, France
• Michelle Farrell, lecturer in law, School of Law and Social Justice, University of Liverpool, UK
• Daniel Feierstein, Professor and President International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS), Argentina
• Eleonor Fernández Muñoz, Costa Rica
• Tenny Fernando, Attorney at Law, Sri Lanka
• Amelia Festa, LLM Candidate, University of Naples Federico II, Italy
• Katherine Franke, Professor of Law, Columbia Law School, USA
• Jacques Gaillot, Bishopin partibus of Patenia
• Katherine Gallagher, Vice President FIDH, senior attorney, Centre for Constitutional Rights (CCR), New York, USA
• Avo Sevag Garabet, LLM, University of Groningen, the Netherlands
• Jose Garcia Anon, Professor of Law, Human Rights Institute, University of Valencia, Valencia, Spain
• Irene Gasparini, PhD candidate, Universitá Cattolica, Milan, Italy
• Stratos Georgoulas, Assistant Professor, University of the Aegean, Greece
• Haluk Gerger, Professor, Turkey
• Hedda Giersten, Professor, Universitet I Oslo, Norway
• Javier Giraldo, Director Banco de Datos CINEP, Colombia
• Carmen G. Gonzales, Professor of Law, Seattle University School of Law, USA
• Penny Green, Professor of Law and Criminology, Director of the State Crime Initiative, King’s College London, UK
• Katy Hayward, Senior Lecturer in Sociology, Queen’s University Belfast, Northern Ireland
• Andrew Henley, PhD candidate, Keele University, UK
• Christiane Hessel, Paris, France
• Paddy Hillyard, Professor Emeritus, Queen’s University Belfast, Northern Ireland
• Ata Hindi, Institute of Law, Birzeit University, Palestine
• Francois Houtart, Professor, National Institute of Higher Studies, Quito, Ecuador
• Deena R. Hurwitz, Professor, General Faculty, Director International Human Rights Law Clinic, University of Virginia School of Law, USA
• Perfecto Andrés Ibánes, Magistrado Tribunal Supremo de Espagna, Spain
• Franco Ippolito, President of the Permanent People’s Tribunal, Italy
• Ruth Jamieson, Honorary Lecturer, School of Law, Queen’s University, Belfast, Northern Ireland
• Helen Jarvis, former member Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), member of IAGS, Cambodia
• Ioannis Kalpouzos, Lecturer in Law, City Law School, London, UK
• Victor Kattan, post-doctoral fellow, Law Faculty, National University of Singapore
• Michael Kearney, PhD, Lecturer in Law, University of Sussex, UK
• Yousuf Syed Khan, USA
• Tarik Kochi, Senior Lecturer in Law, School of Law, Politics and Sociology, University of Sussex, UK
• Anna Koppel, MSt Candidate in International Human Rights Law, University of Oxford, UK
• Karim Lahidji, President of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and lawyer
• Giulia Lanza, PhD Candidate, Università degli Studi di Verona, Italy
• Daniel Machover, solicitor, Hickman & Rose, London, UK
• Tayyab Mahmud, Professor of Law, Director of the Centre for Global Justice, Seattle University School of Law, USA
• Maria C. LaHood, Senior Staff Attorney, CCR, New York, USA
• Louise Mallinder, Reader in Human Rights and International Law, University of Ulster, UK
• Triestino Mariniello, Lecturer in International Criminal Law, Edge Hill University, UK
• Mazen Masri, Lecturer in Law, The City Law School, City University, London, UK
• Siobhan McAlister, School of Sociology, Queen’s University Belfast, Northern Ireland
• Liam McCann, Principal Lecturer in Criminology, University of Lincoln, UK
• Jude McCulloch, Professor of Criminology, Monash University, Melbourne, Australia
• Yvonne McDermott Rees, Lecturer in Law, University of Bangor, UK
• Cahal McLaughlin, Professor, School of Creative Arts, Queen’s University Belfast, Northern Ireland
• Araks Melkonyan, LLM Candidate, University of Essex, UK
• Antonio Menna, PhD Candidate, Second University of Naples, Caserta, Italy
• Naomi Mezey, Professor of Law, Georgetown University Law Center, USA
• Michele Miravalle, PhD candidate, University of Torino, Italy
• Sergio Moccia, Professor of Criminal Law, University Federico II, Naples, Italy
• Kerry Moore, Lecturer, Cardiff University
• Giuseppe Mosconi, Professor of Sociology, University of Padova, Italy
• Usha Natarajan, Assistant Professor, Department of Law & Centre for Migration and Refugee Studies, The American University in Cairo, Egypt
• Miren Odriozola Gurrutxaga, PhD Candidate, University of the Basque Country, Donostia – San Sebastián, Spain
• Georgios Papanicolaou, Reader in Criminology, Teesside University, UK
• Marco Pertile, Senior Lecturer in International Law,
  Faculty of Law, University of Trento, Italy
• Andreas Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos, Professor of Law and Theory, LLM, The Westminster Law and Theory Centre, UK
• Antoni Pigrau Solé, Universitat Rovira i Virgili de Tarragona, Spain
• Joseph Powderly, Assistant Professor of Public International Law, Leiden University, The Netherlands
• Tony Platt, Visiting Professor of Justice Studies, San Jose State University, USA
• Scott Poynting, Professor in Criminology, University of Auckland, New Zeeland
• Chris Powell, Professor of Criminology, University S.Maine, USA
• Bill Quigley, Professor, Loyola University, New Orleans College of Law, USA
• John Quigley, Professor of Law, Ohio State University
• Zouhair Racheha, PhD Candidate, University Jean Moulin Lyon 3, France
• Laura Raymond, International Human Rights Advocacy Program Manager, CCR, New York, USA
• Véronique Rocheleau-Brosseau, LLM candidate, Laval University, Canada
• David Rodríguez Goyes, Lecturer, Antonio Nariño and Santo Tomás Universities, Colombia
• Alessandro Rosanò, PhD Candidate, Università degli Studi di Padova, Italy
• Jamil Salem, Director Institute of Law, Birzeit University, Palestine
• Mahmood Salimi, LLM Candidate, Moofid University, Iran
• Nahed Samour, doctoral fellow, Humboldt University, Faculty of Law, Berlin, Germany
• Iain GM Scobbie, Professor of Public International Law, University of Manchester, UK
• David Scott, Senior Lecturer in Criminology, Liverpool John Moores University, UK
• Phil Scraton, Professor of Criminology, Belfast, Ireland
• Rachel Seoighe, PhD Candidate, Legal Consultant, King’s College London, UK
• Tanya Serisier, School of Sociology, Queen’s University Belfast, Northern Ireland
• Mohammad Shahabuddin, PdD, Visiting researcher, Graduate School of International Social Sciences, Yokohama National University, Japan
• Dean Spade, Seattle University School of Law, USA
• Per Stadig, lawyer, Sweden
• Chantal Thomas, Professor of Law, Cornell University, USA
• Kendall Thomas, Nash Professor of Law, Columbia University, USA
• Gianni Tognoni, Lelio Basso Foundation, Rome, Italy
• Steve Tombs, Professor of Criminology, The Open University, UK
• Paul Troop, Barrister, Garden Court Chambers, UK
• Valeria Verdolini, Reader in Sociology, University of Milan, Italy
• Francesca Vianello, University of Padova, Italy
• Aimilia Voulvouli, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Fatih University, Turkey
• Namita Wahi, Fellow, Centre for Policy Research, Dharma Marg, Chanakyapuri, New Delhi, India
• Sharon Weill, PhD, Science Po, Paris/ CERAH, Geneva, Switzerland
• Peter Weiss, Vice President of Centre for Constitutional Rights (CCR), New York, USA
• David Whyte, Reader in Sociology, University of Liverpool, UK
• Jeanne M. Woods, Henry F. Bonura, Jr. Distinguished Professor of Law, Loyola University College of Law, New Orleans, USA
• William Thomas Worster, Lecturer, International Law, The Hague University of Applied Sciences, The Netherlands
• Maung Zarni, Judge, PPT on Sri Lanka and Visiting Fellow, London School of Economics and Political Science

A humanitarian crisis that could turn into a genocide is taking place right now in the mountains of northwestern Iraq. It hasn’t made the front page, because the place and the people are obscure, and there’s a lot of other horrible news to compete with. I’ve learned about it mainly because the crisis has upended the life of someone I wrote about in the magazine several weeks ago.

Last Sunday, Karim woke up around 7:30 A.M., after coming home late the night before. He was about to have breakfast when his phone rang—a friend was calling to see how he was doing. Karim is a Yazidi, a member of an ancient religious minority in Iraq. Ethnically, he’s Kurdish. An engineer and a father of three young children, Karim spent years working for the U.S. Army in his area, then for an American medical charity. He’s been waiting for months to find out whether the U.S. government will grant him a Special Immigrant Visa because of his service, and because of the danger he currently faces.

Karim is from a small town north of the district center, Sinjar, between Mosul and the Syrian border. Sinjar is a historic Yazidi area with an Arab minority. Depending on who’s drawing the map, Sinjar belongs to either the northernmost part of Iraq or the westernmost part of Kurdistan. Since June, when extremist fighters from the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham captured Mosul, they’ve been on the outskirts of Sinjar, facing off against a small number of Kurdish peshmerga militiamen. ISIS regards Yazidis as devil worshippers, and its fighters have been executing Yazidi men who won’t convert to Islam on the spot, taking away the women as jihadi brides. So there were many reasons why a friend might worry about Karim.

“I don’t know,” Karim said. “My situation is O.K.” “No, it’s not O.K.!” his friend said. “Sinjar is under the control of ISIS.”

Karim had not yet heard this calamitous news. “I’ll call some friends and get back to you,” he said.

But the cell network was jammed, so Karim walked to his father’s house. His father told him that thousands of people from Sinjar were headed their way, fleeing north through the mountains to get out of Iraq and into Kurdistan. It suddenly became clear that Karim would have to abandon his home and escape with his family.

ISIS had launched its attack on Sinjar during the night. Peshmerga militiamen were outgunned—their assault rifles against the extremists’ captured fifty-caliber guns, rocket-propelled grenades, mortars, anti-aircraft weapons, and armored vehicles. The Kurds began to run out of ammunition, and those who could retreated north toward Kurdistan. By dawn, the extremists were pouring into town. Later, ISIS posted triumphant photos on Twitter: bullet-riddled corpses of peshmerga in the streets and dirt fields; an ISIS fighter aiming his pistol at the heads of five men lying face down on the ground; Arab locals who stayed in Sinjar jubilantly greeting the new occupiers.

Karim had time to do just one thing: burn all the documents that connected him to America—photos of him posing with Army officers, a CD from the medical charity—in case he was stopped on the road by militants or his house was searched. He watched the record of his experience during the period of the Americans in Iraq turn to ash, and felt nothing except the urge to get to safety.

By 9:30 A.M., Karim and his extended family were crowded into his brother’s car and his father’s pickup truck. They’d had no time to pack, and for the drive through the heat of the desert they took nothing but water, bread, canned milk for Karim’s two-year-old son, and their AK-47s. At first, Karim’s father refused to go along. A stubborn man, he said, “Let them kill me in my town, but I will never leave it.” Fortunately, the father’s paralyzed cousin, who had been left behind by his family, pleaded with him, and at the last minute the two old men joined the exodus. Karim’s twenty or so family members were the last to get out of the area by car, and they joined a massive traffic jam headed northwest. Thousands of other Yazidi families had to flee on foot into the mountains: “They couldn’t leave. They didn’t know how to leave. They waited too long to leave,” Karim said.

Karim drove in a convoy of two hundred and fifty or three hundred cars. They stuck together for safety. The group decided against taking the most direct route to Kurdistan, which would have taken them through the Arab border town of Rabiya. ISIS wasn’t the only danger—Yazidi Kurds have come to regard Sunni Arabs generally as a threat. So they drove across the border at an unmarked point into Syria, where Kurdish rebels—who form one side in the complex Syrian civil war—were in control of the area. The rebels waved the convoy on, while Syrian Arab villagers stared or took videos with their mobile phones. A relative of Karim’s happened to be a cigarette smuggler and knew the way across the desert once the roads disappeared. (“Everyone and everything has his day,” Karim told me.) The undercarriage of Karim’s car began to break off in pieces. They drove for hours through Syria, crossed back into Iraq, and shortly afterward reached a checkpoint into Kurdistan, where the line of cars was so long that they had to wait for hours more. It wasn’t until nightfall, nearly twelve hours after they had fled their home, that Karim and his family reached the Kurdish town of Dohuk, where he happened to have a brother who gave them shelter in his small apartment.

“Compared with other people here, I’m in heaven,” Karim said by phone from Dohuk. “Some are in camps for refugees. It’s very hot and very hard. We are safe, but thousands of families are in the mountains. Thousands.”

Karim heard that one young man had been executed by ISIS for no reason other than being Yazidi. A friend of Karim’s was hiding in the mountains, running low on supplies, and out of battery power in his phone. Another friend, an Arab (“He is not a religion guy, he’s open-minded, it doesn’t matter if you’re Christian or Yazidi,” Karim said), had stayed in Sinjar and was trapped in his home. Now ISIS was going house to house, with information provided by locals, looking for Iraqi soldiers and police, for people with money, for Kurds. They had already taken away the friend’s brother, a police officer. No one knows for sure how many people ISIS has killed since the attack on Sinjar. Karim heard that it is many hundreds.

Prince Tahseen Said, “the world leader of the Yazidis,” has issued an appeal to Kurdish, Iraqi, Arab, and European leaders, as well as to Ban Ki-moon and Barack Obama. It reads: “I ask for aid and to lend a hand and help the people of Sinjar areas and its affiliates and villages and complexes which are home to the people of the Yazidi religion. I invite [you] to assume [your] humanitarian and nationalistic responsibilities towards them and help them in their plight and the difficult conditions in which they live today.”

It’s hard to know what, if anything, is left of the humanitarian responsibilities of the international community. The age of intervention is over, killed in large part by the Iraq war. But justifiable skepticism about the use of military force seems also to have killed off the impulse to show solidarity with the helpless victims of atrocities in faraway places. There’s barely any public awareness of the unfolding disaster in northwestern Iraq, let alone a campaign of international support for the Yazidis—or for the Christians who have been driven out of Mosul or the Sunni Arabs who don’t want to live under the tyranny of ISIS. The front-page news continues to be the war in Gaza, a particular Western obsession whether one’s views are pro-Israel, pro-Palestinian, pro-peace, or pro-plague-on-both-houses. Nothing that either side has done in that terrible conflict comes close to the routine brutality of ISIS.

Karim couldn’t help expressing bitterness about this. “I don’t see any attention from the rest of the world,” he said. “In one day, they killed more than two thousand Yazidi in Sinjar, and the whole world says, ‘Save Gaza, save Gaza.’ ”

Yesterday, a senior U.S. official told me that the Obama Administration is contemplating an airlift, coördinated with the United Nations, of humanitarian supplies by C-130 transport planes to the Yazidis hiding in the Sinjar mountains. There are at least twenty thousand and perhaps as many as a hundred thousand of them, including some peshmerga militiamen providing a thin cover of protection.  The U.N. has reported that dozens of children have died of thirst in the heat. ISIS controls the entrance to the mountains. Iraqi helicopters have dropped some supplies, including food and water, but the refugees are hard to find and hard to reach.

It was encouraging to learn that humanitarian supplies might be on the way, but we always seem to be at least a step behind as ISIS rolls over local forces and consolidates power. ISIS is not Al Qaeda. It operates like an army, taking territory, creating a state. The aim of the Sinjar operation seems to be control of the Mosul Dam, the largest dam in Iraq, which provides electricity to Mosul, Baghdad, and much of the country. According to one expert, if ISIS takes the dam, which is located on the Tigris River, it would have the means to put Mosul under thirty metres of water, and Baghdad under five. Other nearby targets could include the Kurdish cities of Erbil and Dohuk. Karim reported that residents of Dohuk, inundated with refugees, felt not just a sense of responsibility for Sinjar but also alarm, and that they were stocking up on supplies in case of an attack.

One way to protect the innocent and hurt those who are terrorizing them would be for the U.S. to launch air strikes on ISIS positions. That option has been discussed within the administration since the fall of Mosul, in June, but it runs against President Obama’s foreign-policy tendencies. “The President’s first instinct is, ‘Let’s help them to do it,’ ” the official told me. “The minute we do something, it changes the game.” This time, unlike in Syria, it isn’t hard to figure out how to “help them to do it”: send arms to the Kurds, America’s only secular-minded, pluralistic Muslim allies in the region, and the only force in the area with the means and the will to protect thousands of lives. (Dexter Filkins wrote, on Monday, about the possibility of American military aid to the Kurds.) Perhaps the U.S., Europe, and the U.N. can’t or won’t prevent genocide in northwestern Iraq, but the Kurds can. The fact that the peshmerga were outgunned by ISIS and ran out of ammunition in Sinjar says that we are a step behind on this front, too. According to the Times, Washington has turned down Kurdish requests for American weapons for fear of alienating and undermining Iraq’s central government in Baghdad.

It seems delusional to imagine that there is such a thing as an Iraqi central government that should be given priority over stopping ISIS and preventing a massacre. That dream of the American project in Iraq is gone. But perhaps the Obama Administration is being more realistic. Yesterday, I also learned that the U.S. is, in fact, sending arms to the Kurds—just not openly. This was even more welcome news, though it’s too bad that the weapons didn’t reach the peshmerga in time to defend Sinjar. The U.S. Joint Operation Center in Erbil is helping peshmerga ground troops and the Iraqi air force to coordinate attacks on ISIS, providing intelligence from the sky. It’s a breakthrough that the Kurds and the Iraqis are cooperating at all. “For the moment,” the senior official said. “And it could all fall apart, because it’s lightning in a bottle.”

The official said that peshmerga forces are organizing to retake Sinjar. Karim heard the same thing in Dohuk, and he said that he wants to be in the first group that returns to his hometown. Meanwhile, he’s volunteering with the American medical charity he used to work for, helping other refugees in Dohuk. He told his children that they’re on an extended vacation in Kurdistan.

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